Early Tibetan Documents on Phur Pa From Dunhuang

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S TERREI CHI S CHEAKADE MI E DERWI S S E NS CHAF T E NPHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHEKLASSE DENKSCHRIFTEN.370.BANDCATHYCANTWELL,ROBERTMAYEREarlyTibetanDocuments onPhurpa fromDunhuangder WissenschaftenOAWCATHYCANTWELL, ROBERTMAYER EarlyTibetanDocumentsonPhurpafromDunhuangSTERREI CHI SCHEAKADEMI EDERWI S S ENS CHAF TENPHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHEKLASSE DENKSCHRIFTEN,370.BANDBeitrgezurKultur-undGeistesgeschichteAsiensNr.63STERREI CHI S CHEAKADEMI EDERWI S S ENS CHAFTENPHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHEKLASSE DENKSCHRIFTEN,370.BANDCATHYCANTWELL,ROBERTMAYEREarlyTibetanDocuments onPhur pa fromDunhuangder Wissenschaften Wien2008 OAWVorgelegtvon w.M.E r n s t S t e i n k e l l n e r inderSitzung vom14.Mrz2008BritishLibrary CataloguinginPublicationdata ACataloguerecord of thisbookisavailablefrom the BritishLibraryDie verwendete Papiersorteistauschlorfreigebleichtem Zellstoff hergestellt, freivonsurebildendenBestandteilen und alterungsbestndig.AlleRechteVorbehaltenISBN978-3-7001-6100-4Copyright 2008by sterreichische Akademieder Wissenschaften WienDruck:BrsedruckGes.m.b.H.,A-1230Wien Printed and bound in Austriahttp://hw.oeaw.ac.at/6100-4 http://verlag.oeaw.ac.atT a b l e o fCo n t e n t sPrefaceand acknowledgementsviiNoteon Transliteration of TibetanviiiIntroductoryChapters1 General Introduction12Why did the Phur pa tradition becomeso prominentin Tibet?153The Dunhuang Phur pa Corpus:aSurvey32 History and Doctrine4 Pelliot Tibtain 44:A.Reflectionson the Text41Pelliot Tibtain 44:B.The Text56Soteriological RitualTexts5IOL Tib J 331 .III:A Discussion of the Text and its Parallelsin the Phurpa Literature686IOL Tib J 331.Ill:The Text88Appendix toChapter 61257IOL Tib J 754Section 7:ASet of Noteson Phur pa Ritual and itsSignificance1368Pelliot Tibtain 349:the Text and Comments1478b Appendix toChapter 8162Scriptural Texts9Sectionsof IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamja with commentary16610Sectionsof IOL Tib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad maphreng181 Miscellaneous11Fragments,Cursory Treatment, Dhramsand PragmaticRites194Bibliography212Index225CDImagesof Dunhuang Manuscriptsfrom theStein Collection in LondonPr e f a c ea n d a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t sIn 2002,wefoundourselvesengaged incriticallyediting twoPhur pa tantrasfrom therNying ma 7 rgyud 'bum,a project that eventuallysawfruitioninour volumeof 2007,TheKllaya Nirvana Tantra and the Vajra WrathTantra:twotexts fromtheAncientTantraCollection,Vienna,TheAustrianAcademyofSciences Press.It becameincreasingly evident that our understanding of the originsof traditionally transmitted rNying maPhurpatantrassuchasthesewouldremainincompletewithoutathoroughparallelinvestigationof the DunhuangPhurpamaterials,which,unlikethetraditionallytransmittedones,canbeguaranteedtohave remainedunmodifiedforalmost1,000years.HenceweproposedtotheBritishArtsandHumanities ResearchCouncil(AHRC),oursponsors,thatwebeginaparallelprojecttodecipher,transcribe,and translatetheDunhuangarchaeologicallegacyconcerningPhurpa,includingboththePhurpatextsperse, and all related Phur pa materialsthat wecouldfind.We hoped that byanalysing thismaterial philologically, and also tosomedegreecomparatively,historically,and anthropologically,we mightshedsomefurther light onthemysteryoftheoriginsoftheseremarkableandinfluentialtexts.Wehopedalsotoprovidea potentiallyvaluableresourceforunderstandingtheritual,socialandhistoricalfactorsthatgavesubsequent Tibetan religion itscharacteristically tantricaspect.Weareextremelygrateful to the AHRCfor awarding us fundsthatenabledustodevote25%ofourtimeoverthethreeyearperiod2004-2007tothiswork.By pursuingthesetwolinesof researchinnear-parallel,wehavebeenabletoseeconnectionsbetweenthe Dunhuangand transmittedPhur pa traditionsthatmightotherwisehaveremained unnoticed.TheDunhuang Phurpatextsinthemselvesalsoofferthepossibilityof anintimatehistoricalinsightintothepost-Dynastic period(mid9th to11th centuries),andwehopeouranalysishasmadesomemodestcontributiontosuch significations.We regret that the time limitationsdid not permit us togo beyond theearly Phur pa sources to moregeneralearlyhistoricalsources,whichcouldhaveprovidedmorethoroughcontextualisationofour material,a task which will have toawait a further study.Acknowledgementsandthanksareduetonumerouscolleaguesandfriendsforthehelptheyofferedus overthecourseof thiswork.FirstandforemostwemustthankDrCharlesRambleandProfessorErnst Steinkellner, whose generousand unstintingsupport for so many of our enterprisesover many years has been remarkable:their kindnessisdeeplyappreciated.Special thanksmust also beoffered toall our colleaguesin theOrientalStudiesFacultyof theUniversityof Oxford whoinonewayor another havehelpedour pathin thecourseof thisresearch.Anotheractivecontributor tothe work wasDr Jean-LucAchardof theCNRSin Paris,whohelpedinproofingourinputof theParisdocumentsagainsttheoriginals,ataskwhichledto stimulatingacademicexchangeson thenatureandcontentof themanuscripts.Thanksmustalsobeoffered tonumerousothercolleagues,whosehelpfoundexpressioninthiswork:DrSamvanSchaikandMr BurkhardQuesseloftheInternationalDunhuangProjectandtheBritishLibrary;ProfessorMatthew KapsteinofParisandChicago;DrAdelaideHermann-PfandtofMarburg;ProfessorRonaldDavidson, Fairfield,Vermont;Mr.HumchenChenagtshangofNgakMangInstitute,Qinghai;ProfessorCristina Scherrer-SchaubofParis;DrGudrunMelzer,Munich;MsKerstinGrothmann,Berlin;ProfessorAlexis Sanderson,Oxford;Dr.BrandonDotsonofSOAS,London;ProfessorVesnaWallaceofUniversityof California,Santa Barbara;Mr Ralf Kramer,Hamburg;Mr IanSinclair,Hamburg;Dr JacobDalton,Yale;Dr OmaAlmogi,Hamburg;LoponP.OgyanTanzinRinpoche,Samath;DrChristianWedermeyer,Chicago; ProfessorYaelBentor,Jerusalem;Ven.ChanglingTulku,ShechenMonastery,Bodnath,Nepal;MrSimon Cook,Paris.No t e o nT r a n s l i t e r a t i o no fT i b e t a nTransliterationof Tibetaninthisworkconformstotheinternationallywidelyusedsystemoftenreferred toasWylieConventions,1although wedonot usethesinglecontributionwhich Wylieproposed,thatis,the capitalisationof thefirstletterof awordwhereappropriate.Instead,if necessaryinthecaseof namesor titles,2 wecapitalisetherootTibetanletter(orthefirstRomanletterrepresentingtherootletter),sincethis conformsmorecloselytoTibetanconceptions,andhasawell-establishedusageinWesternscholarly writings,fromNebesky-Wojkowitz1956.3 ForTibetanrepresentationsofSanskritletters,weusethe generallyacceptedappropriateRomanletterswithdiacriticalmarks.FollowingtheTibetan&Himalayan Digital LibrarysExtended WylieTransliterationScheme,4we have used thecolon torepresent theTibetan gter shad found in gter ma texts, but we use thecolon differently in transcribing theOld Tibetan manuscripts (see below).Conventions used intranscribing the Dunhuang documentsInpresentingtranscriptionsof theDunhuangmanuscripts,wehaveconformedtotheusagesestablished byTsuguhitoTakeuchiina number of publicationsonOld Tibetan documents,madeinaccordancewith the suggestionsof A.Delatteand A.Severyns(1938:Emploidessignescritiques,dispositiondeVapparat dans les editions savantes detextes grecs et latins /conseils et recommandations par J.Bidez et A.B.Drachmann, Bruxelles:Union acadmiqueintemationale).We have not needed to use Takeuchiscomplete list but have used thefollowing.From TsuguhitoTakeuchi1995Old TibetanContracts fromCentral Asia,Tokyo pp.137-138:I reversed gi gu(abc) editors note[a(/b)] ambiguous readings[abc] our conjectural restorationsof letters partly illegible or lost in the original[abc?] uncertain readings[]illegible letters,number unknown[ - ]illegible letters,number known,indicated by broken line[3] illegible letters,approximate numbers known,indicated by numeral with]abc beginningof line lost through damageabc[ end of line lost through damage***blank spacesleft bycopyist1 FollowingTurrellWylie1959.Wylieadopted initsentirety thesystemearlier used byRende Nebesky-Wojkowitz(1956:xv) and DavidSnellgrove(1957:299-300).See the discussion in DavidSnellgrove1987a:xxiv,and our own commentsinCantwell, Mayer and Fischer 2002: Noteon Transliteration:"Not Wylie"Conventions(http://ngb.csac.anthropologv.ac.uk/csac/NGB/Doc/NoteTransliteration.xml).InlinewithTibetanunderstandingandthemost commoncontemporaryscholarly usage,wemodify thesystem by using"w"rather than"v"for thesubjoined Tibetanletter,"wa" {wa zur).2 Wedo not capitalise wordsat allin representingour Tibetansourcedocuments,but dosowithintheEnglishlanguagediscussion where necessary.3 Therootletter(ming gzhi)isthemainletter of asyllableandthat underwhichwordsareorderedinTibetandictionaries,soitis the letter of thesyllable to which attention isdrawn.4 ThissystemisusefulforautomatedfontconversionsbetweenRomanandTibetanscript,usingprogramssuchasWylieWord (developedbyDavidChapmananddistributedfreeontheTHDLwebsite).Forpresentationalreasons,wehavenototherwise adopted itsconventions here,such asfor Tibetan representationsof Sanskrit letters.Noteon Transliteration ixFromTsuguhitoTakeuchi1997-1998OldTibetanManuscriptsfromEast Turkestan inThe SteinCollectionof the British Library,Tokyoand London Vol.2: DescriptiveCatalogue1998,p.xxxii.$pageinitialsign (mgo yig, siddham)afeetext deleted in theoriginal manuscript5We have alsoadded one further convention::ornamentalpunctuationmark,generallymarkingasection endingandnewopening,andvaryingin design from two large vertically arranged circles to twodots.Conventions used intranslation, also following Takeuchi 1995:138(abc)translators note[abc]translatorssupplements[...]illegibleor missing letters,number unknown[]illegibleor missing letters,number known,indicated by broken line5 TsuguhitoTakeuchi'spreferredusageisnownottoincludedeletedwordswithinthemaintext,butratherintheCritical Apparatus,markedas,"cancellavit"(thisconventionisgiveninhis1995list).However,wehavemodifiedthatlistinthiscase, sinceitseemshelpfulinthecaseof ourtextswithonlyshortdeleted passages,forthereaderimmediatelytoseeatranscription which as closely as possible resemblesthe original.INTRODUCTORYCHAPTER S1Ge n e r a lI n t r o d u c t i o nThe Dunhuang Caves and scholarly interest intheir TibetanmanuscriptsA centuryago,a number of sitesalong theold'Silk Route'werediscovered,in whichculturalobjectsand manuscriptsindifferentAsianlanguageshadbeenpreservedformanyhundredsofyears.Themost impressivefindswerethoseoftheDunhuangcaves,whichtodayhavebecomeamajorheritagetourist destination,forthosewishingtoviewanastonishinglegacyofsculpturesandrockcarvings,murals,and otherartisticandculturalartefacts,foundin theremainsof alargecomplexof Buddhistcave-temples.1 For generations,especiallyduringthefirstmillenniumCEandtheearlypartofthesecondmillennium, Dunhuanghadbeenathrivingpolitical,economicandculturalcentre,whichhadseenconsiderable interculturalexchange between thevariousethnicgroupsof theregion.Textsrecoveredincludesecularand religiousmanuscripts,manyof whichhadbeenpartof abookrepositoryorlibrarywhichhadbeenwalled offintheearlyeleventhcentury.2 Thereisclearevidenceofmulticulturalism.Notonlyaredifferent languagesrepresentedamongstthehoardofmanuscriptsfound,butthereareinstancesofonelanguage written usingthescriptof another,or textswrittenon thereverseof paperoriginally usedforadocumentin another language.For historicalscholarshipon the peoplesandcultureswhowereatsomestage partof this multi-ethniccommunity,theDunhuangdiscoverymeantthepossibilityofresearchusingprimarysource materialsof inestimablevalue.Moreover,duetothedesertenvironmentin whichthemanuscriptshad been preserved,manyshowed remarkablylittlesign of deteriorationasa resultof thecenturiesduring which they had been sealed away.In theearlytwentiethcentury,SirMarc AurelSteincollectedalargenumberof manuscriptswhichhave since been keptinLondonandDelhi;PaulPelliotgatheredacollectionwhichwasdepositedinParis,while theauthoritiesinBeijing,andotherexplorersandinterestedpartiesacquiredotherpartsof thecorpusof manuscripts,sothatitbecamedistributedthroughoutanumberof internationallocations.Themomentous discoveryexcitedgreatinterestaround theworld,althoughscholarshiphasbeenimpeded bythedistribution of thecollectionanddifficultiesof access,problemswhichareonlytodaybeginningtobeovercomedueto internationalcooperation,digitisationofimagesofthemanuscriptsandthepublicationofwebbased catalogues(see http://idp.bl.uk/).Forscholarsof Tibetanmaterials,cataloguesweremadeof theLondonSteincollectionbyLouisdela VallePoussin(onlypublishedin1962,butcompiledin1914-1918)andofthePelliotcollectionby MarcelleLalou(1939,1950,1961).PioneeringworkontheTibetanmanuscriptsincludedthemajor publicationsof Hackin(1924),Bacot,ThomasandToussaint(1940-1946),andforthetantricmaterials, BischoffsworkontheMahbala-stra(1956).Inthepastfortyyears,scholarlyworkmakinguseof DunhuangTibetansourceshaswitnessedsomethingof anexponentialgrowth,butthereisstillmuchtodo. Inthisbook,wecontributetothisfieldbyourstudywhichfocusesonaspecificgroupoftantric manuscripts,thoseconcerningthe phur parites,withaviewtoascertainingwhatkindsof connectionwe mayfind between these textsand the received Tibetan tradition that claims descent from the early period.1 See the UNESCO World Heritagelisting on the MogaoCaves:http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/440/2 It iscurrently thought that theDunhuang manuscript collectionscamefromastorehouseof theThree Realms(Sanjie)Monastery (Xinjiang Rong1999-2000"The Natureof theDunhuangLibrary Caveand theReasonsfor itsSealing",Cahiersd'Extreme-Asie Vol.11:247-275,citedinTakeuchi,forthcoming).Takeuchi(forthcoming)reportsthatinthe10th century,amonkofthis monasterynamedDaozhenmadeconsiderableadditionstohismonastery'slibrarystocks,sothataproportionof theDunhaung texts might originatefrom Daozhen's time.2 Introductory ChaptersThe rNying maTantric traditionsThe rNying ma tantric tradition hasfor manycenturiesdefined itself in termsof its unique transmission of theThreeInnerTantras of Mahayoga,AnuyogaandAtiyoga,whichitclaimsweretranslatedfromIndie languagesatthetimeofPadmasambhava;yetmodemacademicscholarship,withwhichwearehere engaged,findsscant reliableevidenceforsuch TantrasduringtheEmpire.Bycontrast,therNyingma pado notverymuchdefinetheiridentityinrelationtotheso-called'lowertantras'of Kriya,CaryaandYoga-whicharetheonlyformsof tantrasfor whichWesternscholarscanfindunambiguousevidenceinImperial Tibet.(Suchdoxographicaltermscouldbeusedinconsistently,andalsohaddifferingusagesinIndiaand Tibet:e.gMahayogadescribedadistinctdoxographiccategoryinTibet,withwhichthisstudyisoften concerned;yetinSanskritperhapsmoreoftenmeantlittlemorethanamajorYogaTantra.Nevertheless, such doxographies wereimportant to Tibetansfrom early times,so we must consider them.)Theexactcircumstancesof theemergenceof whatarenow knownastherNying ma traditionsof Tibetan Buddhismremainsoneof theleastclearlydefinedareasof Tibetanhistoryfor modernscholarship.Perhaps thenearestwegettoageneralagreementisthevagueideathatatleastsomeproportionofrNyingma canonicalscriptureanditsrelatedliteraturesmusthaveemergedbeforethestartoftheNewTranslation activitiesof the late tenth century and onwards;although there have been divergent viewson just how great a proportionandwhatkindhaddevelopedbythen.Theearlieststartof rNyingmatantrismisparticularly disputed:some haveseensmalland varied yetsignificant beginningsduringtheImperial perioditself,while others haveargued that virtually no tantricdevelopmentswhatsoever,let alone those nowadayscharacterised as rNying ma,could begin untilafter the breakdown of the Empirein842.Whatmakestheearlyhistoryof rNyingamatantrismsodifficulttoestablishisthedearthof reliable historicalsources.Whatevertheexactstartdatesmighthavebeen,nomodernscholarsdoubtthatmuchof the mostimportant early development in rNying ma must have happened between842and theearlyeleventh century:yet thisis precisely that notoriouslyinaccessiblespan of Tibetan historysometimescalled,'the Dark Period'byWesternhistoriansbecauseithasbequeathed ussuchlimitedsources(thetraditionalnameisthe periodoffragmentation,silbu'idus,whichimpliespoliticalbreakdownbutdoesnotprecludecultural productivity).WhatfewsourceswehaveforTantrisminthisperiodareinmostcasesambiguousforone reason or another.To give a few examples:Of thethreeofficialImperialtranslationcataloguesweknowof,twostillsurvive,theIHankarmain severaleditions,andtheThangthangmainamorerecentlyrediscoveredsingleedition;yettheir interpretationsaremuchdisputed.SomeseetheIHandkarmaasolder,othersseetheThangthangmaas olderin parts;someacceptallseventy-plus'lower tantra'textslistedinThangthangmaasImperialperiod translations,otherssee thefinal tantricsection of Thang thang ma asa later addition of uncertain date.3Thereisampleevidence,includingsomecarved in rock,for an Imperial period'lower tantra'cultfocused ontheBuddhaVairocanaandinvolvingsuchcyclesastheMahavairocana-abhisambodhi,andthe Sarvadurgatiparisodhana with itsimportant funerary rites that were proposed asa Buddhist alternative to the traditionalTibetanburialwithitsbloodsacrifices.However,scholarshavevaryingviewsonhowwidely suchriteswereused.Weretheyreallyintendedonlyforthestateandroyalcourt,asDavidsondescribes (Davidson2005:65)?Orweretheyalsousedmorewidely- forexample,inthefuneralsof aristocratsas wellasemperors,and at placesthat werenotspecifically royallocations?Might they haveeven been used as regular practices by monasteries,aristocraticclans,or individuals?3 ThePhangthangmahasonlyrecentlycometolight,withfewpublishedanalysessofar- Kawagoe(2005;andalso2005 "'Pentanmokuru'nokenkyu[AStudyof theDkarchag'Phangthangma]",ReportoftheJapaneseAssociationforTibetan Studies51,115-131,citedinKuijp2006:173),andHalkias(2004).Theaboverangeof viewsaroseoutof discussionsand correspondenceswithanumberofcolleaguesfromseveralcountries,someofwhomareinprocessofpublishingstudies involving thePhang thang ma.General Introduction 3Oneof thefewgenuinelyearlysourcesfor theestablishmentof BuddhisminTibet,thetestimonyof the sBa/dBa/rBaclan(dBa'/sBabzhed),hassurvivedinthreeversions,alongwithmanyquotationsinlater literature.However,itisopen todifferentinterpretations,andof coursetherearealsovariationsbetween the different versions.Some versionssay that onlyCarya tantra waspermitted to betranslated.4 Other versions (WangduandDiemberger2000:88-89)saythatboth KriyaandCaryatantrasweretranslatedinfull,while Mahayogatranslationwasheldbackatthattimesincepeoplereadyforithadnotyetappearedamongthe Tibetans.5 Another veryearlysource,anofficialImperialedict concerning tantra translation,asincorporated in thesGrasbyor bambo gnyis pa,alsosurvivesinseveralversions,whichmightrepresentdifferentstages of theedictasit developedover a periodof some years.The historical relationsof the variant versionsof the edictthathavecomedowntousareamatterofdiscussion.Heretootheimplicationsforearlytantra translationiscomplex.CristinaScherrer-Schaub hasmadea highly detailed analysisof allextant versionsof thisdocument,includingthosefromTaboandDunhuang,andsheinterpretstheedictmerelytoseekthe proper regulationof secret tantric translations,which hadalready begun before thisedict was promulgatedin 783or 795(Scherrer-Schaub2002:287).Davidson,however,believesthat throughout thisperiod,therewas aconsistentImperialpolicythatquitesimplysoughttobanmosttantratranslation,allowingonlythefew moreexotericcourt-basedceremoniescentredonVairocana,sothatanyothertantratranslationsthatdid occur were necessarily clandestine(Davidson 2005:64-5,215).Therearesomeearlysourcesthatseektodescribetheemergenceof rNyingmatantrism,suchasthose attributedtoRongzom,Nyangral,andmKhaspalde'u.Whilesuchsourcesareostensiblycomparatively closeintimetotheeventstheydescribe,scholarsareunclearhowmuchof theirtestimonycanbetakenat facevalue.Overandabovenormalquestionsofredactionaltransmission,asPerSorensenhaswritten, Tibetanhistoriographyaboundsinattemptstoforgedocumentsthatlegitimisedpastgloriesandreputeor underpinnedbygoneprerogatives,whetherrealorfictitious.Infact,itwasconsideredawhollylegitimate procedure(Preface to Wangdu and Diemberger 2000:XIII).6The great bKa 'gyur compiler, Buston,madeexhaustive researchesinto the provenanceof Buddhist texts inthecourseofhisactivities.Some(Herrmann-Pfandt2002:136-8)believehishistory(chos'byung) indicatesthat heminutelystudiedallthreeImperialperiodtranslationcatalogues- IHankar ma(whichhas longbeenextant),Phangthangma(whichhasrecentlybeenrediscovered)andmChims puma(whichhas not yetcome tolight) -andfrom these,compiled alistof agreat manylower tantrasofficially translated in theImperialperiod.Others(suchasDavidson,whoalsocitesBuston'sChosbyung),byimplicationmight not agree with Herrmann-Pfandt in treatingas validevidence Buston'sacceptanceof such a great quantity of Imperialperiodtantratranslations,sincehetendstodescribetheImperialtranslationsonlyintermsof the4 Karmay1988a:4,121,discussingStein1961Une chronique ancienne debSam-yas: sBa-bzhed,Paris:52.5 tan tra las ma ha yoga mustegsdge bala g.[c?]ud pa'islad du gtsangrmemed par bstan pa choskyidbyings jilta ba nima rtogs palogpab[z?]ungdudogstemabsgyur/sngagsg.yog[foryoga?]nuspayangbodlami'byungnasmabsgyur(dBa'bzhed 24v.4).Notethatourinterpretationdiffersalittlefromthatof WangduandDiemberger(2000:89):"Outof thetantras,(inthe caseof)Mahayoga,for thesakeof steeringextremiststowardsvirtue,it wasnot translatedsincetherewastheconcernthat(they would)seizeonperversion,notunderstandingthedharmadhatunature(whichinforms)theteachingthatthereisnopurityor defilement.Also,(it)wasnottranslatedwhen(those)withtheabilitytoservethemantra(teaching)werenotforthcomingin Tibet."Wangduand Diemberger suggest g.yogasa misspellingfor yoga,and theymay becorrect,butit readsperfectlywellas it is.The phrasemayimply"help with",and may refer toTibetansof that period being unabletohelpwith thetranslation rather than unable to practise.6 Inthisstudy,wehavenothadtimeaccuratelytoweighupandassesstheseproblematicearlyhistoricalsources;norhavewe triedtorelyonmoreacessiblemodemhistoricalsourcessuchasDudjom,whosehistoryweonlyuseonceortwicetopointout the persistenceinto modem times of Dunhuang mythic passages, just as we(more frequently) use his various doctrinalor Phur pa writingstoshow continuities between themand the Dunhuang texts.Our approach here has been tolet the Dunhuang textsspeak directlyforthemselves,andtomeasurethemagainstthetransmittedrNyingmatradition.Acarefulstudyof theearlyhistories remainsa major desideratum.4 Introductory ChaptersfewtextslistedinIHankarma(Davidson2005:65,385,note16).7 Bycontrast,Herrmann-Pfandt(ibid.) hadconcludedfrom herinvestigationsintoBuston'swritingsthat noneof thethreecatalogueson theirown couldhavecontainedthecompletelistofofficialtantratranslations,andthatonlyasurveyofallthree together could yield thecomplete list.In thefaceof such general uncertaintyabout theoriginsof theearly Tibetan tantrictraditions,both'lower tantra'and rNyingma,wedecidedit might behelpfultoreturnoncemoretotheDunhuangcacheinsearch of furtherevidence.Remarkably,ahundredyearsaftertheirtransfertotheWest,thetantricsectionsof the Dunhuangfindsstillremainsubstantiallyunexplored.8 Inadditiontoexploringtheirbasicfeatures,it seemedtousthatafurtherspecificimportantquestionabouttheDunhuangtantrictextswasworthyof investigation:justhowdotheDunhuangtantrictextscomparewiththoseofthereceivedrNyingma tradition?Rather than focuson theelusivesearch for Indieantecedentsof the rNying ma tantras,here we are addressing differentquestions:What did Tibetan tantrism actuallylook likein the pre-gSar ma period?How similar wasit,and how different,to the later rNying ma tradition?Ofcourse,wedonotexpecteitheraspectof thisresearchtosolvemorethanalimitedrangeofour problemsaboutrNyingmaorigins.Thisisnotpossibleforanumberof reasons.First,thechronological interpretationofDunhuangmaterialsisnotinitselfstraightforward,andestimationsofthedatesofthe Dunhuang Tibetancollectionscontinuetofluctuate.Untilquiterecently,it wasacommonplacetolocatethe DunhuangTibetancollectionsasearlyasthe9thcentury,sinceitwasassumedthatthemajorityof Tibetan workshad beenleft thereduring theperiodof Tibetanoccupation,butmorerecentstudies9haveshownthat TibetancontinuedtobeusedinDunhuangafterthecollapseof theTibetanEmpire,andmanymanuscripts, includingthemajorityof tantrictexts,havenowbeenlocatedbetweenthemid10th andearly11th century (see,Daltonand vanSchaik2006:xxi).Itseemsmuchtoopremature,however,toexpectthatthematteris fullyresolvedyet.AsecondcomplicatingfactorwithDunhuangsourcesisthenatureof Dunhuang'smulticulturalsociety.Formanyyearsafterthelossof Tibetanpoliticalcontrol,manyDunhuanginhabitantsof differingethnicitiescontinuedtouseTibetanasacommonwrittenlanguage.Thismeansthatitisquite possiblethatsomeDunhuangtantrictextswerewritteninTibetan,butfortheuseofnon-Tibetan communities,andperhapswerealsotranslatedfromnon-Tibetansourcesmoreoftenthanhassometimes beenunderstood.Thirdly,itisperfectlypossiblethattheDunhuangfindsrepresentonlyasmallpartial sampleofearlyTibetantantricmanuscriptsandwehavenowayofknowingwhatsignificantearly translationsand compositionsmight not have been included.Nevertheless,regardlessof ongoingchangesin viewsabouttheirdatingandcontext,understandingthecontentsof theDunhuangtantrictexts,andtheir relationtothetransmittedrNyingmatradition,remainimportantlinesof research,withoutwhichhistorical clarity about rNying ma originscannot soeasily be envisaged.TheDunhuangtantriccollections,includingthosepartsmostobviouslyrelatedtothelaterrNyingama tradition,arebroadandextensive,andincludeenoughmaterialtooccupyseveralresearchersfordecades. Wethereforehadtochooseaspecificfocus.Wedecidedonphurpatexts,becausetheyofferavery particular insight into rNying ma.SincePhur pa remained fromearly timesin Tibet a particularly rNying ma traditionwithinBuddhistTantra,10 Phurpa'semergencemighttosomeextentcoincidewithorreflectthe7 Both these authors were writing before the recent rediscoveryof the'Phang thang mamanuscript,andit will beinteresting tosee what light further study of the'Phang thang ma might throw on thisdebate.8 Theearlycataloguers(seeabove)hadprovidedsomeindicationof itsscope,andattentionhadbeengiventoafewDunhuang tantricmanuscriptsbywell-knownTibetologistssuchasR.A.Stein(eg.Stein1971-2).Morerecentscholarlyworksinclude Daltonand vanSchaik,2006,KapsteinandDotson2007,andKapsteinand vanSchaik'sforthcomingeditedcollection(Chinese andTibetanTantra at Dunhuang,Specialedition of StudiesinCentral and East Asian Religions, Brill,Leiden).9 See especially the publicationsof Takeuchi(2004;forthcoming).10 Weare approaching the emergence of Bon Phur pa traditions,and their relation to rNying ma,in a subsequent study.TheSa skya PhurpatraditionisrNyingmainorigin,andtheSaskyaPhur pacommentarialliteratureseemstodependsubstantiallyonthe rNying ma tantras.GeneralIntroduction 5emergenceofrNyingmaasabroadercategory.Inaddition,ourpreviousworkonthePhurpatextual tradition(seeespeciallyMayer1996andCantwellandMayer2007)meantthatweareparticularlyfamiliar withthePhurpascripturalheritage,andfurthermore,theDunhuang phur pacorpuswasof amanageable sizetohandleinoneproject.Atthesametime,therearealsosubstantial phur paelementsintheso-called lowertantras,andwehavenotignoredDunhuangTibetanexamplesof thesefromourstudy.Whilethe lower tantras arenotincludedinthelaterrNyingmatantracollections,beinglargelysharedwiththebKa' gyurtradition,neverthelesstheyhavehadaroleinrNyingmareligiouslife,andtheirtestimonyis historically significant to theoverallemergenceand practiceof Tantrism in Tibet.The Selectionof Dunhuang Phur paTexts11Unfortunately,wedonothaveafulllengthPhur patantrafromDunhuang,althoughitwouldseemthat theyalreadyexistedbythattimebecauseatleastoneiscitedinaparticularlyvaluableDunhuangtext,the Thabs kyi zhags pa padma'phreng manuscript (IOL Tib J 321).12 However,the Dunhuang phur pa materials doincludea substantial twenty-two page text, with manyinterlinear notes,identified in theBritish Library as partIIIof IOLTibJ331.Thisistheclosestweget toafulllengthPhur paworkfromDunhuang;allother materialsare morefragmentary,comprising either veryshort complete texts,or excerptsfrom longer works.From the viewpoint of later tradition,phur pa textswould generally denote thescriptures,ritual practice and commentarial textsconnected with the Phur pa deity.As weshall see,there is not such a neat or obvious groupof textsamongst theDunhuang manuscripts,even thoughsomeof them -aswe will describe below -shareextensivepassagesorkeythemeswiththelatertradition.Giventhelackofanysuchclearly demarcatedgroupof texts,itisworthclarifyinghowweselectedthetextsweconsiderhere.Attheoutset, wedecided totake thewidest kindof definitionand toincludeany textswhichinsomemanner related toor includedmaterialrelevantfortheimageryandpracticesofthePhurpatradition.Atthesametime, boundarieshad tobesetsomewhere.Onecouldconstruecommentarialworkson Mahdyogaprinciplesand ritualasrelevanttothePhurpaheritage,orritualpracticesfocusedonwrathfulherukadeities,especially thosedealing with tantricmeditationstotransform hatredandaggression.13 Anexhaustivestudyof allsuch materialswould have been out of thequestionin thelimited timewe hadavailable,and would havedefeated theobject of a manageableselection of materials.Thus,wegaveour mainattention to thelimited number of textsortextsectionswithanexplicitcentralfocusonthePhurpa/Phurbutraditionoron phur parites.1411 NotethattheIOLTibJnumbersusedthroughoutthisbookrefertotheIndiaOfficeLibrarynumberingsystemfortheStein Tibetan manuscriptsnow held at theBritishLibraryin London,and thePTreferencesrefer tothePelliot tibtainnumbersof the Pariscollection.12 Wediscusssomeaspectsof thisimportanttext below(seeespeciallyChapter10);andweareinadditionconductingaseparate research project intoit.13 See in particular our comments below on IOL Tib J 306 and IOL TibJ 321(Chapter 3, p39).14 Intheinheritedtradition,thewords, phur pa, phurbu,kflaandkflayamaybeusedtodescribetheritualimplementand/orthe deity.Thenamesand termsmaycurrently be used withslightlydifferent connotationsfromthoseinDunhuangtextsandarenot alwaysusedconsistentlytoday.Thetermphurbu(sometimesinterpretedasequivalenttokflaka)inmoremodemusageis sometimesrestricted totheimplement,while phur pa(sometimesinterpretedasequivalenttokfla)canequallyrefer tothedeity or theimplement.Therestrictionof theword phur butotheimplementisbynomeansuniversal,andin practice,either phur bu or phur pamay beapplied totheimplement or thedeity.Insomeof theDunhuangmaterials,suchasinPT349(seeChapter8, text lines1,3and A), phur pa takes the form phur ba.Thisdoes not generally occur nowadaysat allexcept asanerror,but in the Amdoarea,thegrammaticalparticlepaissometimeswrittenasba,sointhiscontext,itmaybeconsideredacceptableby regionalconventions.(Thus,Maggsar[or themodem printingof Maggsar 2003]onoccasiongives"phurba"[eg.p. 164,168], andsimilarly,Ingaba[p.7],bcuba[p.3],stongba[p.51]etc.)ThetermkflayaorvajrakflayaisubiquitouslyusedinTibetan traditiontorefertothe yidamformof thedeityortoitstantrictexts(thedeifiedimplementsinthemaindeity'sretinue,often associated with the buddha families,aresometimescalled the kflayasandsometimes the kflas;hence,Buddha KTlaya/KTla,Ratna KIlaya/KIlaetc.).InsomeDunhuangandoldtexts- whereitmaynotbeclearthattheyidamdeityformasitcametobe recognisedbythetraditionisatissueatall- thetermsklla ya,kila ya,badzraklla yaetc.maybeusedsimplytorefer tothe implementorthedeifiedimplement.Inthisbook,weconformtotheusagepresentedintheDunhuangtextinquestion;orin moregeneraldiscussion,wesimplifyusagebyusingphurpafortheimplement,whichmayormaynotalsocarrythe6 Introductory ChaptersWealso looked more brieflyat other textsor sectionswhere the useof a ritual phur pa mayoccur asa minor featureinaritewithanaltogetherdifferentfocus.Hence,inparticularinthefinalchapter,weincluded someriteswhichareof uncertaindirectrelevanceforthedevelopmentofthePhurpatraditionassuch, althoughtheysupplyabackgroundcontexttoitsmorespecificuseof phur parites.Inconsideringany Dunhuang text relatinginsuch a broadsense to thePhur pa tradition,we nonethelessexcluded textsand text fragmentswhichmerelyreproducedsomeelementsof theprincipalmantrastringusedinthePhurpadeity practice,ie.bandzrakili kilaya.Itsoon becameclear that large numbersof Dunhuang tantrictextsusethese mantrasyllables,andwhilethePhurpatraditionsharesthem,themantrastringinitselfhaslittleorno relevancefor Phur pa ritesassuch.15 Wealsoexcluded usesof the term,phur pa which did not seem to have bearing on the ritual implement or deity.16'Liberative killing (sgrol ba)and the Phur pa heritageSeveralof theDunhuangtextspaydetailedattentiontothetopicof liberativekilling,or sgrolba.sGrol baisafamous Mahayoga rite which remainsto thisdaya verycentralfeatureof rNying maPhur pa ritual.17Indeed, theimagery of the Phur pa deity isintegrallyconnected to the associationsof ritual liberative killing- thedeityscentralhandswieldinga phur paritualimplement,themythologyof Phurpasoriginsinthe subjugationof Rudra,thefamouslinesof recitationbeginningmostPhurpasadhanasfocusingonvajra wrathcutting through hatred,that issooften interpreted in termsof sgrol ba}%The ritual which became the classiccontextfor theperformanceof sgrolba- thecarefullystructuredsummoningof evilforcesintoan effigy whichisthenstabbed,releasing theconsciousnessof the victim(s)intoa buddhafield,iswitnessedin theregularritesofnumerouswrathfuldeities,especiallyaspartofthetshogsofferingriteforrepairing tantricsamayacommitments.In thecaseof thePhur padeity,theritetakescentralstageasthebackdropto theimageryof thedeityand hiscemetery palace,and itsperformancemay beintegratedintothe main root sadhana.19 Themajorityof theDunhuang phur patextswediscussinthisbookeitherexplicitlydescribe sgrolbatyperituals,orrelatetoritesusingritual phur paswhichmightinvolvesomeaspectof sgrolba imagery,soitisworthintroducingthetopicbrieflyhere.Ourmanuscriptsrarelyusetheterm sgrol/bsgral explicitly(althoughPT44[34]does,seep.65),moreoftenusingothertermsforliberation(eg.thar pa),connotationof a phur padeity,andPhur paorVajrakTlaya wherethereferenceismorespecificallyor primarilytothetantric yi dam.15 Insomeinstances,theissueis blurred.One text whichshares thebandzrakili kilayamantrastring but which we have not felt we neededtodealwithhereistheVajra-vidaranadharani (rdorjemam par'joms pazhesbyaba'igzungs),of whichthereare many copiesamongst the Dunhuang manuscripts,for instance,IOL Tib J 410;IOL TibJ 411;IOL Tib J 412;IOL TibJ 413;IOL Tib J 414Section1;IOLTib J 415;IOLTib J 416Section3;IOLTibJ 462Section2;IOLTibJ 544Section3;PT60Section 2;PT857fragment.SeealsoDalton'scommentson therelationshipbetweenthe Dunhuang versions,thecanonicalversionsand thecommentaries(Dalton and vanSchaik 2006:153).Thisdharani continues tohave an important placein theTibetan tradition: itisregularlyrecited,anditispossiblethatthispopulardharanitextonceprovidedrawmaterialsforlaterNGBtantras, includingthoseof Phur pa.Butitisdifficult toisolatespecificconnectionswithPhur pa,andthereseemedlittlepointingoing further than notingitspresence in Dunhuang.16 Insomecases,theterm,"phur pa"maybeusedwithratherdifferentmetaphoricalassociations,suchasinthephraseusedin earlyrDzogschentexts,"'dzinpa'i phur pa".Karmay(1988:72,75,andseealso84-5)discussestheuseof thisimagein commentingonIOLTibJ594,whereitoccursonfoliolv.4.Hetranslatesitas,"fixingstake"or"fixedpost";itindicatesan undesirablestateof contrivingorseekingtopindowntheintangiblenaturalcondition.Clearly,suchausageisinterestingin gaininga fullappreciationof the word,butnot unavoidablyrelevant tothefunctionof theritualimplement(let alonethedeity!) in phur pa rites.17 See Cantwell1997for a discussionof sgrol ba ritesin the rNying ma context.18 rdorje khros pas/khrobos zhe sdang good.Thisisthefirstlineof theroot verseforthearisingoftheKilaya mandala.Itopensthefamousshort Phur partsabargyud kyidumbufoundinthebKa''gyur,andcan alsobefound(withvarioustextualvariantsslightly amending the meaning)in all the major Phur pa tantras as well asin virtually every Phur pa sadhana.19 Forinstance,intheSaskyaPhurchen(33r-35r),anextensivesgrolbariteisperformedaspartof theofferingssectionof the main ritual.General Introduction 7transformationortransference,butthereisnodoubtthattheritesareexactlythesameasthoselatermore consistently referred toas sgrol ba.Aclassicfeatureof Mahayogaisthat riteslike sgrol baneed tohavecomplex doctrinalexegeseswithout whichtheritualmightbemeaningless,ormisunderstood.Thedoctrinalunderpinningsof sgrolbainclude Mahayanasourcesonbodhisattvaethicalprinciples,whichmayinvolvetheprincipleofcompassion overridingtheprecepttorefrainfromkilling.Inparticular,afocusinsuchsourcesisoftenlessonthe benefitsto the potentialfuture victimsof an aggressor whoisto be theobject of thecompassionateviolence, andmoreoncompassiontowardstheaggressorhimself,whoistobesavedfromtheterriblekarmaof his aggression,and liberatedfromsamsara.20 Thesameemphasisisfoundin sgrol ba rituals-themain point is toactonthebasisof compassionfor theobjectof therite.Atthesametime,inthe Mahayogacontext,the transgressiveengagementinviolence,channelledwithinaframeworkof ritualsymbolism,servestoattack and pacify aggression itself,in the process restoring harmony and the tantric bonds.Thus,acentralfunctionof sgrolbaisdirectlyandforciblytodestroyone'sprimalenemy,ignorance, usingritualandcontemplativetechniques.Typically,thismightentailtheextensionof theviolentmethods of sacrificial-exorcistic ritual21towards the moreinward and soteriologicalgoal of liberating one'sown mind, aswellasthoseofothers,fromthe'evilspirits'ofignorance.Atthesametime,suchsoteriologised exorcismswilloften retain their moreconventionalexternalexorcisticconnotationsasasecondary purpose, butnowentirelysubordinatedinbothdoctrineandliturgytothegreatercentralsoteriologicalpurpose.In Phur pa ritual,theexorcisticactivityof stabbinganeffigyrepresentsanassaulton theignoranceof deluded belief in thetrueexistenceof aself,usingasuitablyconsecrated phur pa,embodyingthewisdomof allthe Buddhas,through which theignoranceis'liberated'intowisdom.Inalltheserespects,thereisnodoubtthat the phur pasgrolbaritesfromDunhuangandthoseof thecontemporarytraditionarequitesubstantially similar,as weshall discuss below.Someof thedoctrinalexegesisisalsorepresentedatDunhuanginsimilartermstonowadays.IOLTibJ 43 622 givesadefinitionof Mahayogasgrolbaasliberationofonself{bdagbsgralba)andliberationof others(gzhanbsgral ba).A thousand yearslater,in astandard work representingmainstream understandings of Phurparitual,('Jammgon)Kongsprullikewisedescribessgrolbaastwofoldusingexactlythesame words:liberatingoneself throughwisdom{bdagbsgral),andliberatingothersthroughcompassion{gzhan bsgral)(94.6).IOLTibJ436goesontodescribeself-liberationasachievingtheapproachpracticetothe deity;Kongsprul goeson toexplainself-liberation as practising visualisationof oneself asthedeity's body -whichisanother wayof sayingexactlythesamething.IOLTibJ 436(line6)describesliberationof others in termsof the ten fieldssuitablefor liberation {zhing bcu);Kongsprul doesexactly thesame (97.3).Itisworthnoting,however,thattheDunhuangevidenceforthespecifickindof sgrolbaritualswhich persistinthepracticesof thePhurpadeityandinparalleldestructiveritualsof otherwrathfuldeitiesdoes20 IntheUpayakausalyaSutrastoryof thecompassionateship'scaptainkillingtherobberwhointendedtomurderfivehundredmerchantbodhisattvas,theemphasisis ontherobber'sevilkarma,andhisrebirthinapurelandthankstothecaptain'scompassionateact.Thelater Ratnakuta versionincludesthedetailthat thekillingwas performed bystabbing.(MarkTatz1994: 17-18,73-74.)ThisexampleisoftencitedinrNyingmapateachingsonsgrolbainPhurpapracticecontexts.Thereare numerousotherMahayanasourceswhichmakesimilarpointsinrelationtotheethicsoftakinglife,suchasAsariga's Bodhisattvabhumi(Wogihara ed.,Tokyo, 1930:165-6;see the discussionin Cantwell1997:110-111).21 Especiallyafter theriseof thebhakti cultsin India,exorcismsoften tooktheforminwhicha benigngreat deity would 'sacrifice'anevilhostilespirit,and thenbringit backtolifeagainasaspiritualservant.Theimplicationisthateventodieat the handsof Visnu,SivaorDevi,isagreatblessingthatbringsinstantliberationandenlightenment.Inthisway,sacrificeandexorcism become intertwined.See Chapter 2, p.17-20 below, where we talk further on thissubject.22 3v;IDP website(http://idp.bl.uk/database/oo_loader.a4d?pm=IOL TibJ 436)image 4,top.IOLTibJ 306alsoanalyses sgrol ba in similar terms,focusingon benefittingself and others.See below,Ch.3, p.39 note17.8 Introductory Chaptersnot exhaust the rangeof sgrol ba practicesfoundin Dunhuang texts.In IOLTib J 419and PT 42,23 aset(or sets)of notesonMahayogapracticeincludessomeinterestingdiscussionof sgrolbariteswhichhavea slightly different framing narrativeand ritual processfrom thosefound most typically in Phur pa ritesand the ritesdo not mention the useof phur paimplements.24 Twoaspectsstand out.First,in PT 42saccount (f.69- 70),thereisa meditationonseedsyllablesatfivepartsof thebody,presumablyreferringtothebodyof the ritesobjectoritseffigy,andthroughthis,thegatewaystothefivelowerdestiniesforrebirthareclosed, leavingonly the pathwayfor rebirthinagod realm.Thispathwayisthenopened througha meditationona further syllableon thecrown of the head (Meinert 2006:121-4).Unlikeastandard Phur pa sgrol ba, wherea number of specific partsof the bodyarestabbed with a phur pa,25 therewouldseem to beno violenceat this stage.Theritualstoppageofbirthinthedifferentrealmsisnotdissimilarfromapassageinthe TattvasamgrahaTantra,inwhichbeingsof thethreelowerrealmsaresummonedandreleasedfromtheir sufferinglivesintotherealmofVairocana,bycontactwithVajrapanisdisplayofmantraandmudra (Weinberger2003:193).Therearecloseparallelstothemeditationdescriptionintantricvisualisationsnot normallyclassifiedas sgrol ba,to purify the karmacausingdifferent realmsand to prevent rebirthin them.26Followingthis,theritualproceedstoamoretypicalsgrolbascenario(PT42:f.70-72),andthesecond notablecontrasttoPhur pa sgrol bapracticesisthatthesymbolickillingisperformedthroughameditation onthevajraweapon(rdorjemtshoncha),arisingfromthesyllablekrongatthecraniumaperture27 atthe crownof thehead,andmultiplyingintonumerousspears,28 whichslashthebody.Aftermeditatingonthe transformationand purification of theobject of the rite,thesymbolicliberativekilling isconcluded with the mantra of the tantricdeity,Takkiraja.29Anothermanuscriptwitharatherdifferentexplanationof theriteof sgrolbaisIOLTibJ754'ssection 8.30 Inthenotesontantricpracticehere,adiscussionof sgrolbafollowsexegesisonthetantricfeast23 The relationship between partsofthese two manuscriptshas been pointed out by Dalton(Dalton and vanSchaik 2006:156,158160).See also Meinert 2006.24 Phur pasare mentioned in PT 42in a quite different context of empowerment rituals(see Ch.11,p.210).25 See,for instance,IOLTib J 331.Ill,f.8r (Ch.6 below,p. 114-5),and also the'Bumnag (Boord:231-4)or the"Subsidiary Ritual" (smad las)section of the bDud'joms gNamIcags spu gri (Vol.Tha:471-476).26 SomerNyingmapreliminarypracticesincludesucha meditationonsixsyllables,oneforeachof therealms,atsixpartsof the body:seeforexamplethefoundationpracticeof thewidelypractiseddKonmchog spyi'duscycle(sngon\grosection:2526), wheretheplacesarethesameasthosegiveninPT42,withoneaddition.Puresyllablesthenbumupthelatenciesandpurify causesforrebirthinthesixrealms.TherearethreeobviousontrastswithPT42:1)thedifferentapproachtothegodrealm, assumedtobeasmuchpartof samsaraastheotherrealmsandnotanappropriategatewayforliberation;2)thefocusisaselfvisualisation,whereasPT 42ispresumablya visualisationbasedon therite'sobject;3)in thiscase,aseparateset of enlightened syllables purify theimpuresyllables(in PT 42, thesyllables visualised arealready described as the"warrior"[heruka]seeds (dp a' bo'bruInga,PT 42folio69;Meinert 2006:123)and theyeffectthepurification.Notwithstandingthesedifferences,theoverall similarityof the visualisationand functionof the meditationisstriking.Thepreliminary practicefrom thedKonmchog spyi'dus thatwedescribehereconstitutesatypicalinstanceoftherNyingmaandBonrDzogschenpreliminarypracticesofInner Separation(nang gi ru shan).27 mtshogsma=mtshog ma.Notethat Meinert(122note71and124)readsthiswordasmchogsma,interpretingitasmchog ma, top, peak.28 shag-ti(71.3-4) =Skt.sakti,spears;see Meinert:122note72.29 Furthermeditationstypicalof sgrolbaritescontinueinIOLTibJ419'ssection7(asorderedbyDaltonintheIDPcatalogue, Daltonand vanSchaik 2006:159-160),suchasofferingtheremainingfleshand blood tothedeitiesfor their consumption.This isa commoncomponentof sgrol baritesaswefind theminthePhur pa tradition,eg.constitutingthefinalsection(zhal du stob pa)of thesix-foldstructureof the'ActualRiteof LiberativeKilling'(sgrolchogdngos),aspresentedinthebDud'jomsgNam Icags spu gri(smad lassection,Vol.Tha:458,477ff).IOL TibJ 419'ssection12(folioRf.l3v-19vin thepaginationsystemin Dalton and vanSchaik 2005,and r 163 8in Dalton and vanSchaik 2006)givesa reiterationof the sgrol ba rite already described, inparts,rather moredetailedandinaslightlydifferentorder.Fromthataccount,itisexplicitthatinthiscase,Takkirajaisthe deity with whom thetantric practitioner istoidentify himself (Rf.l3v or r.26),and thereisadetailed descriptionof theliberation of the consciousnessof the rite'sobject.30 Here,weadoptDaltonandvanSchaik's(2006:321-325)classificationof sectionswithinthesetsof notesfoundinthisscroll manuscript(although notethat thesesections havenow beenrelabelledin their IDP webcatalogue).Section7has noteson Phur pa, which wediscuss below(Chapter 7, p.l36ff).General Introduction 9offering(tshogs)andonritesofunion{sbyorba).Thediscussionisterseandlackingdetailsofritual description, rather outlininga theoreticalclassification of sgrol ba,which again,specificallysuggests the aim ofreleasefromthesixrealmsof beings.Itlistsfouraspectsof sgrolba:liberationthroughtheView; through moral discipline;through samaya,and through conduct.31Thus,whileritesusingphurpascametotakethecentralplaceinritesofsgrolbainrNyingma Mahayoga practice,32asindeed theyalready did in a number of Dunhuang manuscripts,wecan seesuch rites asa particular development and expression of the wider themeof 'liberative killing'.ThePT42/IOLTibJ419sequencemightalsosuggestaconnectionbetweensgrolbaandanother complexof tantricmeditativeritual:thatof'phoba,thetransferenceof consciousnesstoaBuddhafieldat death,which may be performed bya practitioner for themselves,or on behalf of another,generallyfollowing oratthemomentof death.Thisisnottheplacetoelaborateatlengthonthesepractices,whichforman extremelyimportantpartof Tibetanfunerary rituals,33 butitisworthnotingthat sgrol baaspractisedin the Phur pa traditioncan beseenasa varietyof forcible transference.Interestingly,thetitlegiven tothelongest DunhuangPhur pa text which weexaminebelow,IOLTib J331.Ill(seeChapters5and6below),describes thetextastheenlightenedactivityoftransference( 'phoba7'phrlnlas).In'phoba,asinthePT42 description,thebody'slowergatewaysareshutandtheconsciousnessprojectedupfromthecrownof the head.In Phur pa sgrol ba rites,theconsciousnessof theevilonesistaken upfrom the heart of theeffigy by the phur pa,whichhasbeenconsecratedasthedeity'semanation.InthecommentaryonthebDud'joms gnamIcagsspugriversionof theritual,theconsciousnessarisinginthesyllable"nr"istransformedbyits enforcedcontact with the phur pa.Consecratedas,"a hum",it issent upfrom the phur pa with thesyllable, phat,toVajrasattva,whois uniting with hisconsortin theAkanisthaBuddhafield.Thus,the transmigrating consciousnessgains birth as Vajrasattva'sson,and hence,liberation.34Continuities,Transformations and their ImplicationsAmongstthemostsalientoutcomesof ourinvestigationof theDunhuang phur pacorpusistheevidence werepeatedlyfoundforaquitewelldevelopedPhur patraditionwithclearanddetailedcontinuitiestothe contemporaryrNyingmatradition.Forexample,theentirecontentof thelongestDunhuangPhurpatext, IOLTibJ331.Ill,isreproducedwithinthetraditionallytransmittedrNyingmapaPhurpascriptures,and fromthere,ithashadanimpactonthecommentarialandpracticetraditionstothisday.Weshalldiscuss thisatgreaterlengthbelow(Chapters5and6).Inthecaseofsgrolbaritesandexegesis,wesee preservation of both exegesisand ritual practice,as will be clear from a number of different Dunhuang texts.31 /snyingrje'ilasnlsgrolbamampabzhi'o//gangzhenaltabassgrolbadang/tshulkhrimskyissgrolbadang/damtsigkls sgrolbadang/spyodpassgrolba'o//deladamtsigmanyamspadang/tshulkhrimsmaralbadang/ltabamanorbaskyang rgyud drug klsemscanlas thar cing/ /bla na myed pa 'isangs rgyassu 'grub par 'gyur ro/ (R.9)32 In performancesof'subsidiary rites'(smad las),theelaborateritualdisplay of'Casting theTorma'(gtor ma'phang ba)directedat theevilspiritsrepresentsa finalculminationof the mainroot practice whichis performed first,and whichfeaturesa sgrol barite usingaritual phur paasitscentrepieceandthebasisfortheexpellingrite(seeCantwell1989:SupplementaryMaterials,"The Ritual whichExpelsall Negativities",especially9-15,24-25,for a descriptionof'subsidiaryrites'connected withthedeity,rDo rje Gro lod).See also below, p.32note2,on the category of smad las rites.33 'Pho ba practicecan be performed in connection with many tantricdeitiesalthough that associated with Amitabha with theobject of birthinSukhavatiisespeciallypopularinTibetanBuddhism(seeHalkias2006:152-159,anddiscussionof thespecifictexts following).Halkias(2006:153-4)interestinglydrawsattentiontoLamaThubtenYeshe'ssuggestion(nowfoundontheLama YesheWisdomArchive:http://www.lamaveshe.com/lamaveshe/toc/toc1.shtml)thatthe'phobateachingsderivefromthe Guhyasamaja.Thiscomment deservesfurther attention, which weare not in the position togiveit here.34 mamshesnrmgnaspadephur bustsangyisblangsteahumdu byingyisbrlabsnasphatkyis'ogmindurdorsemsyabyum gyisbyormtshamssuspar basrdorsemskyisrassugyurtesangsrgyasparbsampanibrtenpadbyingssubsgralba'o(bDud 'joms gNamIcags spu gri bsnyenyig Vol.Da:134.5-6).10 Introductory ChaptersOther general Mahayoga doctrinal themesalso persist between Dunhuang textsand the later tradition.For example,inChapter1 of theDunhuangThabskyi zhags pa padma'phreng bacommentary(IOLTibJ321), thereisreferencetothemtshannyidgsum,orThreeCharacteristics(oftheContinuumofthePath)]of Mahayoga'.Thesecategories remain very much a part of contemporary Mahayogaexegesis:thelateDudjom Rinpoche,forexample,analysedtheminhisbsTan pa'irnamgzhag,hereusingtheManngagIta'phreng, attributedtoPadmasambhava,ashissource.35 DudjomRinpoche'slanguageandunderstandingseemmuch the sameas that of theThabs zhagscommentator.SomecontinuitiesinparticulardetailsbetweenDunhuangtextsandthemodernrNyingmapatradition areequally remarkable because tosomeextent,they might beseenasgoingagainst thegrain.In PT349,we find a potentially confusingconflationof the namesof the major maleand female Phur pa deities that has the potentialtocreatesomeexegeticaldifficulties;yet,asweshowbelow(Chapter8p.152-157),eventhis potentially troublesomedetail was preserved intact through thecenturies.Wealsofind materialsclose to the modern tradition within Dunhuang historicaland legendary writing.In a late tenthcentury booklet,PT44,wefinda narrativeof Padmasambhava bringingPhur patoTibet viathe AsuracaveatPharpinginNepalcouchedintermsverysimilartotheverywell-knownPhurpalorgyus narrativesstillcurrent today(see below,Chapter 4).Similarly,PT307describesPadmasambhavaand oneof hisdisciples,Rlangdpalgyisengge,workingasapair, jointlysubduingthesevengoddessesof Tibetand converting theminto protectoresses.In modern ritualsstillregularly performed,thelegendof theverysame pairofPadmasambhavaandRlangdpalgyisenggesubduingthepowerfulfemaleprotectresesofTibet together,isstillcelebrated.36OnebeginstogettheimpressionthatratherlittleintheDunhuangTantricBuddhistrepertoire,however obscureitmightatfirstappear,waseversubsequentlythrownaway.Theethosseemstohavebeenthat everythingwillsomehowsomewherehavea use,andsomustbepreservedintactfor posterity.Atthesame time,thereis,ofcourse,abundantevidencethatritualtextinparticularcouldbebrokendowninto componentparts,andrecombinedwithothercomponentpartstocreatenewritualwholes.Thecentralskill inauthoring new ritual text istoachievea recombinationof existing ritual partsintoa new ritual whole,ina mannerwhichneverthelessreassertswithgreatprecisiontheparticularethosandsymbolismof thetantric genrebeingattempted.Inpursuitofthisgoal,onecanalsofindoverlappingpassagesbetweentextsof ostensiblyquitedifferentTantricgenres.PT349,aPhurpatext,hasexactparallelstocanonical Guhyasamaja passages,37which in turn incorporate materialsfrom dharanitextsfor rDo rjesder mo,38which inturnsharepassageswithcanonicalgDugsdkarorUsnisasitatapatradharani:s39 - andsoonandsoon. Thus,geneticconnectionsaresometimesdiscerniblewithintheritualdetailssharedbetweentantrictextsof differinggenresand periods.Textualrecyclingcan beat thelargerstructurallevelaswell:in thenineteenth century,Maggsar retainedthestructureof theSevenPerfectionswhichwefindinIOLTibJ331.Ill,citing35 AnannotationtotheThabszhagscommentaryChapter1 (lr.5)presentsthemas: "When[one]understandsthroughtheCharacteristicofKnowledge,bytheinherentpowerofbecoming familiarisedwiththeCharacteristicofthe Entrance,theCharacteristicof theResultisaccomplishedasBuddhaBody,SpeechandMind."("shes pa'imtshannyid gyisrtogsna'jug pa'i mtshannyid gyis goms pa'i mthus'bras bu'i mtshannyid sku gsung thugs su'grubbo").In Dudjom,following the Manngag Ita 'phreng(seeS.Karmay1988a:167),thesearegivenasrtogs parnam pabzhi'itshul rig pani shes pa'i mtshannyid (awareness inthemannerof theFourKindsof Realisationischaracteristicof knowledge); yang nas yong dugoms parbyedpani'jug pa'i mtshannyid (repeatedexperienceof itischaracteristicof theentrance); goms pa'imthusmngondugyur bani'brasbu'imtshan nyid (and actualisation of it by the power of experienceischaracteristicof the result).See Dudjom1991Vol1:265;Vol 2:111.36 For a discussion of PT 307,see Dalton 2004.Seealsoour comments(Ch.4, p.48note35below)on thesecontinuities.37 Forexample,fromthePindikramasadhanaof Nagarjuna;andthePindikrta-sadhanopdyika-vrtti-ratnavali ormDorbsdus pa'i sgrubthabskyi'grel parinchen phreng baattributedtoRatnakarasanti(Peking2690:297b1.7.to298b1.2).SeetheAppendix to Chapter 8, p. 162-163below.38 In particular,a mantra which isidentified asrDo rjesder mo'smantra;see Chapter 5,p.84-85.39 See Chapter 5, p.85note 61,and Chapter11, p.204 note69.General Introduction 11the'Phrinlas phunsumtshogs pa'irgyudashissource,butsomewhatreconstruedtheusesof itsprincipal categories(see below,Chapter5,p.78-87).Therearefewif any rulesgoverningthetypeor natureorsizeof recyclableritualitems- onlythattheymustworkintheirnewritualcontext.Of course,thereisnodoubt thatthisprocesshappenedconstantlyinIndia,asinTibet.Beyondthat,itisnotonlytantricritualthat developsthisway,butmuchof theworld'sritualandmythicsystems.Aclassicanthropologicaldescription of the processisfoundin Levi-Strauss'sexposition of what hedubbed'bricolage',which heinterpreted as the oftenskilful and ingenious"bending"(Fr.:bricoler) to new usagesof existing cultural artifacts(1976:16ff).SomecomparisonsbetweentheDunhuangtantrictextsandthelatertransmittedtextsalsoillustrate processesofscripturalchangethroughtextualtransmission.TheabovementionedThabskyizhagspa padma'phrengba,initsDunhuangversion(IOLTibJ321),comprisesanentirerNyingma'irgyud'bum (henceforth:NGB)Mahayogaroottantra,embeddedaslemmatawithinacommentary.Totheeyesof the averagereader,thereislittleintheThabszhagsroottantrathatmightobviouslybetrayanon-Indicorigin, andthissurelyhelpsexplainitsplacementinsomeeditionsof thebKa''gyur,whereitsometimesfindsits wayintotheirrNyingrgyudsections(atthetimeof writing,weourselvesremainuncertainastothisroot tantra'sIndieprovenance).40 Butthepagelayoutof theDunhuangmanuscript,andthemannerinwhichits lemmataareembeddedwithinthecommentary,exposepossiblereasonsfortheconsiderableredactional variationbetweentheroottantra'slaterextantcanonicalversions.Unliketheroottantra,thecommentary showsmoreobvioussignsofbeingcomposedinTibetan -forexample,in thewayitetymologisesTibetan translational terms,like dkyil'khor (initsChapter 6).Now,theThabs zhags manuscript hassome root tantra chapterssocompletelyembeddedinthecommentaryandwithoutanydistinguishingindications,thatin manycasesitisnotatalleasy todistinguish between thelemmatacitingthe root tantraand thesurrounding commentary.Infact,unlessthereaderisveryhighlyeducatedandpatient,itcansometimesbewellnigh impossibletodiscerntheexactboundariesoftheroottantra.Facedwithsuchacircumstance,ascribe seekingtoextracttheroottantraonlyislikelytocopymoreratherthanless,tomakesurethatnoneof the preciousscriptureisleftoutof hiscopy;thusinadvertentlyincorporatingTibetancommentarialmaterials intothemoreplausiblyIndieroottantra.Theprecisenatureofthesubstantialvariationsbetweenthe differentextantcanonicalversionsof theroot tantra doindeedlookasthoughtheymight wellbeaccounted forbydifferentscribeshavingondifferentoccasionsidentifieddifferentpartsofthecommentaryas constituting the lemmata.Wearecurrentlyin processof a more detailedstudy which explores this possibility further.There might bea possibleexampleof exactly thisprocessof incorporatingcommentarial materialin the SouthernCentralandBhutaneseNGBrecensionof theGuhyasamajaroottantra.Eastman'spreliminary study(1980)of thevirtuallycompleteDunhuangmanuscript(IOLTibJ 438),collateditsversesof Chapter Three,togetherwiththreebKa''gyurwitnessesandoneSouthernCentralNGBedition(towhichwehave added another representing the Bhutaneselineof descent).These NGBversionsagree on oneadditionaltshig rkang whichtheygiveinverse2,whichcorrespondstoaninterlinearnoteintheDunhuangversion,butis notfoundin thebKa''gyur editions,norintheextantSanskritrootversesthatEastmanconsulted(seeCh.9 note5,p. 166-167below).Itwouldappear,then,thatthislinemighthavebeenintegratedintothetext throughcopyingfromamanuscriptwhich,likethemaintextoftheThabszhagscommentary,didnot differentiateclearly between thewritingof theroottextandthecommentary.41 Morebroadly,itseemssafe tosaythatsuchapparentlyfaultymechanismsof scribaltransmissionmayinadvertentlyintroducevariation40 Theroot tantra( Phags pathabs kyi zhags pa pad mo'i phreng donbsdus pa zhesby aba)isincluded intherNying rgyud section of Gragspa rgyal mtshan's Kye'i rdorje'irgyud'bum gyi dkar chags,which wasasourcefor thefirstsNar thangbKa'1gyur,and itisalsoin'Phagspa'sslightlylaterTantracatalogue;onthelatter,seeHelmutEimer1997:52.Wehavenot yetascertainedif anySanskritoriginalcouldbefoundbyBuston,althoughthisseemsunlikely,sincethetitleisnotlistedinhisChos'byungof 1322-3,nor in his rGyud'bum gyi dkar chag of 1339.41 Note that theThabs zhags manuscript alsoincludesinterlinear annotationsinsmall writing, which comment on the commentary.12 Introductory Chaptersandelaborationintoascripturaltextandmayalsosuggestastrikingwayinwhichatextuallybasedritual tradition may develop without any deliberate rationale.42Questions of historical contextTheThabszhagscommentary(IOLTibJ321),IOLTibJ331,PT44andmanyotherDunhuangtexts openanamazingwindowontotheritualanddoctrinalworldofTibetantantrabeforethegSarmapas. Amongother things,itshowsa thoroughlysophisticated andscholarly understandingof MahayogaTantrism thatisin many waystheequalof the presentday tradition.ReadingtheDunhuangThabs zhagscommentary alongsidealearnedcontemporaryrNyingmapalama,itwasstrikinghowfamiliarmuchof itwastohim. From hispointof view,while theThabs zhagscertainly hasitsown particularslantand ritualdetails,asone wouldexpectfromsuchadoxographicallysignificant tantra,43 itisnotinanywaysurprisingoralientothe contemporary tradition.The manuscripts we havestudied,according to present theory,were probably copiedor calligraphedfrom the late tenth toearly eleventh century,although it isoften hard to be veryclear.In most instances,no-oneis yet in a position to present much usefulevidenceabout the provenanceand datesof any originalsfrom which they might have beencopied.The best wecansayingeneraltermsisthat thetextswehavestudiedseem to represent a Tibetan Buddhism immediately prior to thegSar ma period.Takenasawhole,theDunhuangTantriccollectionthereforesignalsanactiveTantricBuddhisminthat region by the late tenth century,about which wecan say three things:[1]Significant aspectsof the rNying ma tantric practiceas wecurrently know it had already emerged.[2]SomeKriya,Carya,andYogatantratextswereinuse;aswellasaverygreatmanydharamtextsthat weresubsequently often classed as Kriya by Tibetan doxographers.[3]Moreover,PT849(Hackin1924;Kapstein2006)showsthatahandfulof earlyprecursorsof theYogini orYoganiruttaratantraslaterassociatedwith thegSar ma periodwerealready beingsignalled,including an earlier variantof verseslater to beassociated with thegSar ma pasiddha traditionof Cinta,consortof Darikapada(Kapstein2006:23-28).Oneof thetwoCatuspithatantras,nowadayspartof thegSarma collections,isalsocitedin PT849,confirmingtheveracityof itsbKa''gyur colophon,which mentionsa first translation prior even toSmrti'sof the late tenth or early eleventh century.44Unfortunately,theinadequaciesand ambiguitiesin thesurviving historicalsourcesfrom the post-imperial periodmeansthatwearenotyetableconfidentlytocontextualisetheevidencethattheDunhuangtantric textsoffer us.PaulSmith(1991:27)andBiancaHorlemann(2005,2007)havedemonstratedthattheTibetan federationsinthenorth-eastintheearly11th centurywerepowerfulinbothmilitaryandeconomicterms, acting as middle-men in trade between China and Inner Asia,especially dealing in horses,and we even know theChineserenderingof thenameof afamousTibetanleaderfromthattime:Jiaosiluo,whoissometimes42 In the Phur pa tradition,twoapparently minor scibal variantsof a phrasewithina key root verse{srog gi goru,or srog gi sgo ru) hasledtotworatherdifferentcommentarialelaborations(seeRobertMayer,AScriptureof the AncientTantraCollection:The Phur-pa bcu-gnyis,Oxford:Kiscadale,1996:213-6).43 TheThabs zhags isone of the most important tantrasin rNying ma doxography,as we discuss below.44 TheVajracatuspfthaisnowadaysseenasafamousgSar ma patantraextantintwo versionsinthebKa''gyur.Thetranslationof oneof theversionsbeforethegSarmaperiodissupportedbyitsbKa''gyurcolophons,whichindicateitwasretranslatedanew bySmrtijnanakirti,implyingtherehadbeenanevenearliertranslationbeforehim.ThesTogbKa''gyurcatalogue(p.206) includesthefollowingwordsinthecolophontooneofitstwoCatuspfthascriptures:Smrtijhanakfrtisgsardubsgyurte, translated anew bySmrtijnanakirti.GeneralIntroduction 13suggestedasthehistoricalprototypeforGesar.45 Obliqueinsightsintothesocialandinstitutionalbaseof TibetanlifeatthattimecomefromIwasaki(1993),whoseoldChinesesourcesdescribeavibrantand populousTibetanBuddhistcultureinnearbyTsongkhaattheturnoftheeleventhcentury,withactive monasteries.PoliticalleaderswithwhomtheChinesehadtodealatthattimewerefrequentlymonks,with thetitle,Rin poche.Theoldimperialusageof bTsan powasalsocurrentamonglayrulers.Thisfitswell with other evidence.In1990,usingDunhuang texts,Helga Uebach (1990)wasthefirst todemonstrate that a lineageof successorstoSantaraksitastillbearingtheimperialeclesiasticaltitleof bcomIdan'daskyiring lugshadpersistedat bSamyas,afindingfurthersupportedinKapsteinsworkonPT849.Moresignificant still,Uebachalsoshowedthatmonasticactivity,includingbothordinationlineagesandcollegesof higher studies,had persistedafterGlang Dar ma'stime.This wasparticularlysoin the North East,whereseveralof KhriRalpacansoriginalreligiousfoundationshadbeensituated,and wheretheycontinuedunbrokenafter 842.Ron Davidson (2005:Chapter 3,84-116) hassincesought toexpand on Uebachsfindings,describinga vigoroustraditionof EasternVinayamonksat thattime.Notforthelasttimeinhistory,thesuddendemise of theTibetanstatein842clearlydidnotsignifythesuddendemiseof Tibetancivilisation,northeinstant deathsofalllearnedBuddhists.Thecapacityofcommerce,civilisationandculturetocontinuewithouta functioningstateisamply demonstrated in numerous historicalexamples,including modern Nepal.Thus,theevidence we havefor a richand highly developed tantricBuddhist rituallifein Tibet in the pre- gSarmaperiod,wouldsuggestthatfarfrombeingadarkandsterileinterludebetweentwogreatepochs, tenthcenturyTibetcouldbeseenasoneofthemostproductiveandculturallytransformativetimesin Tibetanhistory.Itseemstohavebeenatimeinwhichawarrioraristocracybegantoreinventitself asa spiritualaristocracy;atimeinwhichBuddhismbegantodisplacetheindigenousreligionastheprime expressionofpopularpiety;andatimeinwhichtherNyingmatradition(andpossiblyalsotheBon tradition)attainedaremarkabledegreeofculturalpenetration,spiritualdepth,andscholasticandritual complexity,even if against a background of social and political turmoil.Conditionand Features of the Dunhuang ManuscriptsAsnotedabove(p.l),manyof thedocumentsareverywell-preserved.Asageneralpoint,thistends especiallytoapplyinthecaseof the pothT andconcertinastyletexts,wheretheconditionof thepapermay beextremelygoodwithlittledamageordiscoloration,andtheinkmayremainclear.Wherethis generalisationdoesnotholdgood,inparticular,withtextfragments,thereareobviouslimitationsinour assessment of the remaining text.Therearea variety of handwritingstyles, but therearesimilaritiesin someof the handwritingfeatures.In particular,manyof thetextsarewritteninastylewhichisbetweendbucananddbumed,withaslightly greatertendencytoresembledbumedorcursivehandwritingthandbucan,astylewhichTakeuchihas labelled,thePost-Imperialstyle.46 Generally,thewritingiseasilyreadable,spellingconventionsarenot greatlydissimilar from thoseof later periods(apartfrom knownarchaismssuchasthe dadrag),and evenin thecaseofwhatappeartobeaide-memoiresratherthancopiedtexts,inconsistentorunconventional spellingscanoftenbedeciphered.Inthisrespect,also,the pothiandconcertinatypemanuscripts,manyof whichsuggest well-madeinstitutional productions,farerather better thantheother typesof manuscripts.In thecaseof thetextswehaveexamined - anditshouldbeborneinmindthatthisisonlyasmallsampleof Dunhuangmanuscripts -thescrollswith Tibetan writing haveoftenseemed torepresent moread hocor less carefully composed writings.In fact, rather than being produced as"scrolls",the writingswe have examined45 Foradiscussionandreviewof scholarlyresearchonJiaosiluoasthehistoricalbasisof theGesarmyth,seeGeorgeFitzherbert, 2007:56ff.46 Takeuchiforthcoming,p.2.SamvanSchaikiscurrentlyinvolvedinanalysisof DunhuangTibetanmanuscriptpaleographical features,apreliminaryresultof whichwouldseemtosuggestacommunityof scribesknowntoeachother(Daltonandvan Schaik 2006:xxi).14 IntroductoryChaptershaveoften beensimply re-using the reversesideof earlier madescrollsof Chinese texts.Evenin thecaseof oneof thebookletstylemanuscriptswehavestudied,PT44,someof thepaperhadbeensalvagedfroma previousdocument.Undersuchcircumstances,perhaps,itisnotverysurprisingthatcareandaccuracyin the handwriting,and well-spaced out layout of the text, may not always bea prominent featureof these types of manuscripts.However,of theprincipaltextswediscussinChapters4-10,theonlymanuscriptwhich posed any significant problem due toillegible and fragmented text was PT 349(see Chapter 8).Overall,whenoneconsiderstheageof thematerials,theiraccessibilitytoustodayisamazing.Notonly aretheygenerallyrathereasytoread,butasweshallsee,theircontentsmaybeextremelyfamiliarto studentsof laterTibetantantrictraditions.Asnotedabove,inthecaseof the phur patexts,thereareclear continuitieswiththereceivedrNyingmascripturalandcommentarialheritage.Atthesametime,on occasiontherewereconceptualdifficultiesininterpretingsomepassagesof text.Clearly,whereweknow littleor nothingof thecontextof who wrote the textsand for what audience,where we havelitttleidea of the religiousandculturalmilieuinwhichthetextswerebeingproduced,wedoneedtoexercisecautionin interpretingtextoridentifyingparallelswithtransmittedconceptsandrites.Wethereforemakesome distinction between unmistakablecontinuitiesand more tentativeor possibleconnotations.The uniqueprominenceof thePhur pa traditionin Tibet and theHimalayasraisesan interestingquestion. PhurpaneverbecomeevenremotelysopopularanywhereelseinAsia,sowhydiditinTibet?Inthis chapter,wewish tosuggestsome possiblehypothesesthat might befruitfullytestedinanattempttoanswer thisquestion.TibetanPhurpaliteratureisvast.TheBuddhistcanonicalPhurpatantras,theinnermostcoreofthe tradition,comprisesroughlyseventytextsintheBhutaneseNGBeditions,totallingnearly 4,000pages.The bDud'jomsbKa' mahasforty-eight Phur pa texts,totalling2,692pages.A recentcollectionof Phur pa texts publishedbyZenkarRinpochethatincludesbothbka' maand gtermahasover1,200textsin41volumes, 32,200pagesinall;2 yetthisincludesonlyarepresentativeselectionof thevastgtermaandcommentarial literature.Thelargerof thesurvivingBonbKaf editionshasseventy-eightPhur patexts,and thebKa' brten hasover 350- the bKa' brten Phur pa textsalone filling around10,000 pages.PhurpaspopularityinTibetbeganinearlytimes,andaswecansee,ismoderatelywellrepresentedat Dunhuang.Bythedawnof thegSarmaperiod,Phur pawasalreadyveryprominentwithintheoldTantric lineages,aswe know,for example,from such polemicistsasPho brang Zhi ba od (b.eleventh century), who produceda longlistof Phur pa tantrasof which hedid notapprove(Karmay1998:33).Soon therNying ma pa wenton tobegin toproducethevastquantitiesof Phur patreasuretextsthat remainfamoustothisday -forexample,thoseof Nyangralnyimaiodzer(1136-1204).Becausetheybelievedithadanauthentic Indieorigin,fromthestartPhurpaalsoretainedpopularityamongimportantfollowersofthenew translations:forexample,theKhonhierarchsof SaskyakeptuptheirhereditaryrNyingmapapracticeof Phurpa,andagoodproportionof ourmostvaluableearlyPhurpaliteraturecomesfromsuchSaskyapa sourcesasGrags pa rgyal mtshan (1147-1216).3It wasalsofromaroundthebeginningof thegSarma periodthattheBonpobeganproducingtheirown comprehensivePhur paliterature.Theearliest Bon Phur paseemstohavebeenrevealed byKhu tshazlaod in the11thcentury,although thereisperhapssomefromgShenchenKludga afewyearsearlier.Thereare also less reliableaccountsof Bon Phur pa revelationsin the10th century,allegedly among the textsfound by threeNepaleseyoginsandhandedtomTha bzhinPhrulgsas.ItthereforeseemsthatBonPhurpawasin generalquite well established by thegSar ma period.In addition,variousformsof Phur pa practicesarealso foundamongethnicgroupsacrosstheSouthern Himalayan marginsof Tibet,but thesearebeyond thescope of our presentstudy.Despite this broad popularityacrosssomuchof theTibetan religiousspectrum,Phur paclearly remainsa specificallyrNyingma(andBon)tradition:withoutexception,therootscripturesof theBuddhistPhurpa2W h yd i dt h e P h u rp at r a d i t i o n b e c o m e s o p r o m i n e n ti nT i b e t ? 11 Anearlier versionof thischapter waspresentedat the11thSeminarof theInternational Associationfor TibetanStudiesin2006, andisduetobepublishedinOmaAlmogi(ed.),ContributionstoTibetanBuddhistLiterature.Proceedingsof theEleventh Seminaro ftheInternationalAssociation forTibetanStudies,Knigswinter2006.BeitrgezurZentralasienforschung.Halle: International Institute for Tibetan and BuddhistStudies.2 dPal chen kf layai chos skorphyogs bsgrigs,2002.3 Infact,itseemsthatmuchof thePhurpacyclewhichisincludedinGragspargyalmtshan'sCollectedWorksstemsfromhis father,SachenKundga'snying po(1092-1158).Thecolophontotheimportantcommentary,therDorje phur pa'imngon par rtogs pa reads:"The Realisationof Vajrakflaya has been transmitted from the manuscripts of Bla-maSa-chen."(/rdo rje phur pa'i mngon par rtogspa bla masa chengyiphyagdpelasbrgyud pa yinno// p. 182;367v.l[=13v.lin theseparate paginationof this groupof texts]).Apparently,thistext wasincludedin theRecord of MuschenSangsrgyasrgyalmtshan(1542-1618)asa work of Sachen(Jan-UlrichSobisch2007:57-8;seealso67-8,160).Thereisa noteat theendof thelistof contentsof thePhur pa cycleinthemodemeditionof Gragspargyalmtshan'sCollectedWorks,xii,afteritem105,whichalsosuggeststhattheprose textswerecomposed bySa chen,buteditedand brought togetherin theone placeinGrags pargyalmtshan'scollection(gong gi tshiglhug pa 'di/ sa chen gyismdzad pa yinna'ang'dir glegs bam kha lngs pa'iched du phur pa'isgrubskor mams/ phyogsgcig tu bsdebste bris pa mams bzhugsso/).16 Introductory ChapterstraditionarerNying ma.A tinysampleareincluded within therNying rgyud sectionsof thebKaf1gyurs,but the vast bulk exist only within the NGB,or within the gter maliterature.Thus theSa skya pa version of Phur paislittledifferentfrom therNyingma pa,and theSaskya paPhur pacommentariesdependonexactlythe samesourcetantrasastherNyingmapa- namely,themajorNGBPhurpatantras- eventhoughthereis possibleevidencethat thesemight haveincludedsomeof theverytextscriticisedbyPhobrangZhiba'od.4The bKabrgyud paschools have tended to borrow rNyingma pa Phur palineages,rather than preserve their own as theKhon lineage have done.Thehugeprominenceof Phur painTibetisinstarkcontrasttoitsverymodestprofileinotherBuddhist cultures.Ritualsusingphurpaswerewell-establishedinIndianBuddhisttantra,butwedonotfinda developed Phur pa herukacycle withany kindof prominence,anditisquitelikely that the majorityof NGB Phur pa tantras were redacted in Tibet.Asa result,a broad consensusemerged in1970's Western Tibetology that Phur pa wassomething largelyindigenous toTibet,with nosignificant Indian antecedents.Infact,some earlygSar ma paauthors,whileconvinced that theklla traditionitself wasIndian,haddoubted that manyof itsparticulartantricscriptureswereof unadulteratedlyIndieorigins,sothatinitiallynonewereadmittedto themainbodyof thebKaf'gyurexceptasmallfragmenteditedbySaskyaPandita(1182-1251).Perhaps influencedbythisprecedent,R.A.Steinleapttothefalseconclusionthatthe phur paimplementwasan indigenousdevice upon which Tibetans had projected Indianconceptualinterpretations;others,such asJohn HuntingtonandKeithDowman,broadlyagreedwithhimatfirst(Stein1971-2:499;Huntington1975:vii; Dowman1984:302).With time, theseideas have had to beadjusted.Inhisgraduatestudiesinthelate1980's,Mayerpointedoutthegreatwealthofevidenceforkllas throughoutSouth Asian civilisation.Thisincludedasignificant quantity of evidencefrom Theravadasources (Mayer1991),sincethehugelypopularTheravadaprotectiveritesknownasparittagivesuchgreat prominencetothekila,forwhichtheyusuallyusethePalitermindakhila(indrakila),meaningthegod Indra'skila.5 Inherwell-knownmonographstudyoftheparittaceremony,LilydeSilva(1981:57-79) dedicatesanentiresectiontotheindrakila,whichsuccinctlysumsupTheravadascholarship'sviewof the indrakilainthefollowingpoints:(i)theindrakilaisderivedfromandidentifiedwiththeancientVedic sacrificialstakeor yupa(pp.68-73)(ii)theindrakilaisidentifiedwiththecosmicMountMeruorMount Mandara(pp.64-68)(iii) theindrakila representsthecosmicaxisand the pathway between heavenandearth (p.72)(iv)theindrakilarepresentsimmovablestabilityandorder(pp.61-65)(v)indrakilasareusedto createaninviolablemagicalboundaryaroundimportantspaces(pp.63-66)(vi)indrakilasrepresentroyal authority(p.64)(vii)indrakilascan beinhabited bydeitiesandworshipped(p.66)(viii)sacrifice,including humansacrifice,can be associated with them (p.66).ButinadditiontothosesourcesthatdeSilvafoundrelevanttotheTheravadaheritage,ahugewealthof further referencesalso existsin South Asian tantric, puranic,and other sources.While thesourcescited by de SilvahavesomeiconographicsimilaritytoTibetan phur pas(suchastheeightfacettedshaft,aroundtop part,andclearlydividedtopandbottomhalvesofequallength),someoftheothersourcesarenot infrequentlyiconographicallyclosertoorevenidenticalwithTibetan phur pas.Togivejustoneamong numerousexamples,theManasaraSilpasastra,oneof themostfamousof theSilpasastras(classicIndian textsonarchitectureandrelateddisciplines),describesthestupikila,aceremonialkilaoftenusedasafinial onreligiousbuildings,asfollows:"Thelength(i.e.body)ofthekilaisstatedtobetriangular,thebase square,themiddlepartoctagonalandthetopcircular.Thewidthof thekilashouldbeoneahgula,andit4 Forexample,thetitlePhur buMyanganlas'das paoccursbothinPhobrangZhiba'od'sbka' shog(Karmay1980:18),andis referredtoinSaskyaPhurpacommentaries,suchastheextensiveandinfluentialcommentaryof('Jammgon)AmyesZhabs (1597-1659)(21.7;24.4).5 AsdeSilvapointsout(1981:57;68),whileindakhilaisbyfarthemostusualdesignation,therearealsoothertermsless frequentlyused,includingtheSinhalakapagaha(apparentlyequivalenttothePaliekatthambha),andrajagaha,whichshe believesmost probably has the meaning of'Royal Tree',although'Royal House"is also possible.Why did the Phur pa tradition becomeso prominent in Tibet? 17tapersgraduallyfrom basetotop.6 Notonlydotheclassiciconographicaldefinitionsof Manasaraspecify atriangularklla,butsodofamousSaivatantrictextssuchastheIsanasivagurudevapaddhati,andthe TantrasarasamgrahaofNarayana(Goudriaan1978:263,374ff).7 Sincethen,Huntingtonandotherart historianshavecataloguedsurvivingBuddhistHeruka Vajrakllas,perhapsbasedon theGuhyasamajatantra, found asfar afield as Hugh,in West Bengal,and Yogyakarta,in Java.8Thesedays,whilefewdoubtitsIndieorigins,wedosurmiseVajraklla'sritualprofilewasdifferentin India thanin Tibet.The presentconsensusis thatin Indian Buddhism (asin East AsianBuddhism),Klla was moreoftenasubsidiaryritualelementwithinotherTantriccycles,andcomparativelylessprominentasan independentdeitycycle.InTibet,bycontrast,Phurpabecameequallyprominentasacomponentof other cyclesand asa very major largely Mahayoga deity cyclein itsown right.Clearly,there wassomethingabout Phur pa that foundaspecial resonanceamongTibetan and Himalayan societies.Inthischapter,wereflectsomewhattentativelyonpossibleculturalandsocialfactorsthatmight account for early Tibets historicenthusiasm for the phur pa traditions.Cultural Affinities[1]Ourfirsthypothesisconcernsthethemeof bloodsacrifice.Asweshalldiscussbelow,webelieve bloodsacrifice,andperhapseveninsomeinstanceshumansacrifice,wasamajoraspectof pre-Buddhist religioninTibet;inthiscontext,itmightwellbesignificantthatbyfarthemoststrikingfeatureof the MahayogaPhurparitualisitsgraphicsymbolicre-enactmentof asacrificialbloodoffering.Whilemany Buddhisttantrascontainsomesacrificialimagery,Phurpaactuallytakesafull-scalesimulatedsacrificial offeringof avictimtotheThreeJewelsasitscentralritual(Cantwell1997;Mayer1998).Theimageryin thedeityvisualisationsdrawsrepeatedlyuponthesacrificialtheme,andthisisbroughtoutfurtherinthe phur pariteof sgrolba.Thebasicprocedureisusuallytomakeananthropomorphiceffigyorlihgaof a sacrificialvictimoutof dough,andsymbolicallytokill andmakeasacrificialofferingof ittotheThree Jewelsbyuseof the phur pa,therebytransferringorliberating'itsconsciousnesstoahigherspirituallevel (seeabove,Ch.lp.6-9).Symbolically,theanthropomorphiceffigymaybepersonifiedasthedemonRudra, whorepresentsself-clingingasthesourceofallotherspiritualobstacles,sothattransferringtheeffigy's mindtoahigherrealmrepresentsliberatingone'sown- andothers'- ignorantfixationsintoprimordial wisdom.Thelargeweightof evidenceforitfromDunhuangmightsuggestthatinthetenthcentury,this sacrificialritewasatleastasprominentasitisnow.9 Called'LiberativeKilling',sgrolbainTibetan,the Indieversionsareoftenreferredtoinwordsrelatedtothecentraltermmoksa:forexample,asweshallsee6 See Manasara, viii,147-9;P.K.Acharya, Architecture o fManasara,Oxford,1933,205ff.Cited in Mayer1991:169.7 Yetit isof interest that thesetwotextshavebothapparentlyincorporatedsignificant Buddhistelements.SeeGudrunBuhneman 1999:303-304.8 SeeHuntingtonArchiveathttp://huntingtonarchive.osu.edu/,andsearchforVajrakila.Oneimageshowsastonesculpturethat conformswith theGuhyasamajaiconography for the Heruka Vajrakila.The entry is asfollows:"Name:Hugli:Monument:sculptureo f Vajrakila;Iconography:Vajrakila;Date:ca.eighthcenturyCE,701CE- 800CE; Material:grey stone;Dimensions:H - ca.25.00in;Current Location:AshutoshMuseum,Calcutta,West Bengal,India;Photo Copyright Holder:Huntington,JohnC.and Susan L.;PhotoYear:1969;Scan Number:0005993."Elsewhereinthesamecatalogue(asaccessed26April,2005),HuntingtonhaswrittenasanintroductiontotheTibetanPhur pa deity:"Vajrakumara,"YoungerVajra"istheembodimentofaritualimplementof greatantiquity.Duringtheperiodof the Brahmanas(abodyof ritualliteraturedating between1200and 800B.C.E.)the priests"cast" kflasliterally"pegs"inorderto controlweatherandevil forces.JustwhenthesetoolscameintotheBuddhisttechniquesof benefactionisunclear,butbythe seventhor eighthcentury anarray of techniquesincluding the personification,Vajrakumara,had beenincorporated intoTantric techniques."IainSinclairhasalsosentusaphotographof averyfinelydetailedherukaVajrakilafoundnearYogyakartathatalsoclosely conformswiththeGuhyasmajaiconography,andthesculpturefromHugli.SinclairestimatesthisJavaneseklladatesfrom somewhere between the eighth and twelfth centuries(personal communications,17thFebruary,2004 and 9thAugust,2007).9 As weshow in the following chapter.18 Introductory Chaptersshortlybelow,theNetratantra(..mocayantica..and...moksana...)andKsemaraja(..mukti...)usesuchterms (Halbfass1991:101,123);similarlytheVTnasikhatantratalksofmoksabeingachievedbythe anthropomorphiceffigyor linga beingslain throughstabbing with a kila(Goudriaan (1985:277-78);and the TibetantranslatorsofBhavivekatranslatedthetermfortheIndianritualschoolspecialisinginsuch practices,thenotoriousSamsaramocakas,withtheterm'khorbasgrolbyed pa(Halbfassp.100).10 In rNyingmapapractice,sgrolbacomprisesonehalf of thefamouspairof Mahayogarites,whencombined together with thesexual riteo f Union',sbyor ba.Thenotionof suchritualliberationisundoubtedlyIndianinoriginanddraws onIndian sacrificialritualcategoriesinconsiderabledetail.Forexample,intheSaiva Netratantra,andAbhinavagupta'scommentary onitinhisTantraloka,ritualkillingisseenashelpingthevictims(anugraha,whereKsemarajaglosses anugrahaasmukti),byreleasingthevictimfromtheirsins,worldlyfetters,andstains(papa,pasa,and mala).ThustheseSaivacommentatorsbelievethatsuchkillingisinaccordwithnon-violenceorahimsa, andthatitconstitutesavirtuousandbenevolentactof 'liberation'(moksana),whichisnotatallthesame thingasordinarykillingor harming(marana).uFrom Vedictimesonwards,it hasbeenaconstantthemein Indian bloodsacrificethat thevictim'sconsciousnessissent toa higher realm;hencetosacrificea victim to thegods was(and remains)equivalent to bestowingon the victim a kind of forcibleor involuntaryliberation or moksa.Whilethevast bulkof sacrificialvictimsareand usuallyhavebeenanimals,Halbfassmakesthe furtherinterestingpointthattherewasfromthesixthcenturyonwardsanextensiveIndian,oftenJaina polemicagainstliteralisticinterpretationsof moksanaorliberativekillingaspractiseduponunsuspecting specifically human victims.A major targetof these polemicswastheheterodoxschoolof Samsaramocakas, whosenamewouldsuggestthatsuchliberativekillingwastheirmainfocus.Criticismofthe SamsaramocakasoccurinBuddhist,JainandHindusources,andeveninTibetanscholasticismvia translationsof Bhaviveka'sworks.Halbfassraisesthepossibility that theSamsaramocakasmight never have reallyexisted,butmightinsteadhavebeenanotionalschool,originallyconfabulatedfromanIranian example,which wassometimes used for philosophical writingand debateasanillustrative negativeexample (Halbfass1991:100ff.)Itisnotcleartousifanyonehasyetexploredwhatbearing,ifany,the Samsaramocakadebatemight havehadon thesocialreceptionof theBuddhist ritesof 'liberativekilling';or onthepolemicalreferencestosgrol bainTibetin theearly gSar maperiod.Whatisclear,however,isthat theprincipleofsacrificialritualkillingor'liberation'ofbothanimaland humanvictims,inwhichtheirconsciousness wassent toa higher realm,wasdeeply entrenched in India.'Liberativekilling'alsohadamajorroletoplayintheall-importanttaskof controllingevilnon-human spirits.Especiallyafter theriseof devotionalreligion withitsstresson universalsalvation,afundamentally10 Languageasusedinreallife,especiallyarcanetechnicalterminology,mustalwaysbedifferentiatedfromlanguageasgivenin standarddictionaries.SomemightobjectthatthevariousIndiancognatesandvariantsrelatedtomoksashouldproperlyonly translateintotheTibetanthar pa\andthatsgrolbamustneedsbeatranslationof tdranaorsuchlike.Bethatasitmay,the probablyoncequitevariedIndiantermsrelatedtomoksathat wereusedinthespecificsenseofritualsof sacrificialliberation, for whatever reason,simplyhad becomeassociated withtheTibetanword sgrolbabythetenthcentury,howeverincorrectthat mightappeartosomecontemporarystrictlylexicographicalanalysis.Yetthemeaningsof thetermsmoksaand sgrolbaarenot after all unrelated,so wedo not reallyfind thisaltogethersurprising.Weshould add,theintellectually naverush to'correct'the SanskritfoundintantricandotherBuddhisttextsisoftensomewhatquestionable,sinceitiswellknownthattheoriginalswere veryoftennotinclassicalSanskritinthefirstplace.Forthatreason,wehaveelsewherepreferredtousetheverywell-known centralsemantictermmoksaastheeasiestIndiewordtoconveythebroadergistof theriteof sgrolbatoageneralWestern audience.ThetermmoksanaisperhapsmoreclassicallySanskriticallyexacthowever,sowecanperhapsusethat termhere,so long asour readers remember not to reify it into a 'correct'term.11 Halbfass1991:101 ff.ThisapologeticiscloselymirroredinTibetanPhurpatextsonsgrolba.Oneof themostfamousand ubiquitousversewithinPhur pa sgrol baliteraturestatesthat"thesamayafor killing(and)liberatingthroughcompassion,isnot really to killor suppress;(it is)to meditateon the essential vajra nature(of the)skandhas,and onconsciousnessas vajra"(snying rjes bsgral ba'idam tshig ni/ bsad cing mnan pa nyid min te/ phung po rdo rje'i bdag nyid de/ mam par shes pa rdo rjer bsgom/.In otherwords,sgrolbaliberatesthevictimfromallsamsaricdelusion,sothattheyrealisethe'vajranature'.SeeCantwell1997: 115.Why did the Phur pa tradition becomeso prominentin Tibet? 19exorcisticmodelcametobebuiltintothissacrificialtheme,whichmighthavebeenveryimportantforthe popularisationof Tibetan phur parites,aswediscussbelow.HiltebeitelandBiardeau(Hiltebeitel1989:1) haveneatlydescribedtherecurringthemeinIndianreligionswherethegodsconvertdemonsintotheir devotees,asservantswithaspecificallyprotectiverole,throughtheprocessof firstkillingthem,andthen resuscitatingthem.Asweshallseein thesecond hypothesis,p.20-22below,thisisexactlywhattherNying maMahayogaversionsof sgrolbaaimtodointheirdetailedandalmostuniversalemploymentofthe tamingof Rudranarrative.Inmanyliturgiesandinnumerousreiterationsof themyth,demonichell-bound Rudraisfirstkilled,andthenresuscitated,uponwhichhedevotedlyoffershimselfastheseatofthe victoriousBuddhist deities,becoming Mahakala(or someother benign Protector),now himself safelyon the path to Buddhahood.TheBuddhistMahayogariteof liberativekilling is,likemanyof theSaivaversions,symbolicrather than actuallysanguinary,andformsa major partof advanced Mahayogasoteriology.Here,asymbolicritual enactmentof thesacrificeof adougheffigyisintendedtoachievetheforcibleliberationof ignoranceinto wisdom.ThePhurpatantrasarewithoutdoubtsgrolba'smostfamouslocusinTibetanBuddhism;while sgrolbaisintegratedintotheextendedritualsofmanyotherrNyingmapadeities,thesestillnormally employa phur patoeffecttheactualsymbolickilling.Atsgrolba'sculmination,thesacrificedeffigyis often dismembered,and in the tshogsor tantricfeast,theeffigy may be divided into portions,and offeredfor consumptionsothatBuddhas,humanyogins,andthelowlyexcludedspiritseachreceivetheirappropriate portion (Cantwell1997:112-116;1989:197-205).MoksanacouldequallybeperformedinHinduIndia,asinBuddhistTibet,byusingakila:totake just oneexample,moksanabystabbingananthropomorphiceffigywithahuman-bonekilaoccursintheSaiva Vinasikhatantra.12Henceit need be nosurprise thatsacrificial meaningsareinscribed in the veryform of the kilaorphurpaandthatthisimplementcarefullyreplicatestheimmemorialiconographyoftheIndian sacrificialstake.13 Infact,overmanyhundredsof years,thekilahasconsistentlybeenidentifiedwiththe yupa,orVedicsacrificialstake.Wearenotsurewhenthishappened,butitwascertainlyveryearly:Pali scholarshavereportedthatatleastbythetimeof theappearanceof thePalicanon,the yupaandindrakila had becomeconflatedasasingleitem(deSilva1978:244-246).AselaboratedinthoseancientVedictexts called Brahmanas,thq yupa,asacentralimplementof Vedicreligion,wasitself deified,and thuscontinued tohaveamanifoldrituallifedownthecenturies.ItisoneamongseveralancientVedicritualdevicesthat evolvedtobecomepartof thecommonritualheritageof muchof Asia.Nowadays,the yupa-kilamotif still continuesindiversereligiouscontexts,includingtemplearchitecture,Theravadaparittaceremonies,and innumerable puranicand tantricrites.Thusitisoriginallyfrom the yupaor Vedicsacrificialstake,andfrom itscomplexexegesesintheBrahmanaliteratures,thattheTibetanphurpaverydistantlyyetquite recognisably inherits thestandardcanonically required features:the upper and lower part of equallength, the eight-facettedcolumn,theknotsattheendsof thecolumn,themakaraheadwithnagas,thefunctionof conveyingsacrificed victims up to higher realms,thedwellingof thehighestdeitiesatitstop,itsconception asacosmicaxis,theabilitytoactasagatekeeper,theabilitytokillenemiesatadistance,anditsthreefold lower shaft when used for killing.All of these distinctivefeaturesof the Tibetan phur pa werefirst specified in the Brahmanas and similar literaturefor thesacrificialstake oryupa.1412 SeeGoudriaan(1985:277-278):mnussthimayamkilamkrtvdtucaturagulam/ksiravrksambhagelikhyaligamvkilayet tatah //sandilas tu bhavet sdhya ardrayogo na samsayah /uddhrtenabhavenmoksamntra kry vicran //13 For a detailed discussion of this,see Mayer1991:170-18214 Mayer1991passim.SomeauthorsdonotdistinguishbetweenthissymbolicallyverycomplexVedic-descendedsacrificial tradition,and another groupof muchsimpler kilathemesfound peripherally innumerousIndian textsof all religions:thesimple non-sacrificialmagicalactsof overpoweringenemieswitha kilakaor peg.TypicallyclassifiedwithinIndianmagicalcategories askilana'piercing'orucctana'eradicating',suchpracticesareespeciallyeffectiveagainstdemonicforcesoropponentsina dispute,butlackthecomplexdistinctivelyVedicsacrificialmotifs.InaccordwithMadeleineBiardeau'slandmarkstudyof the Indiansacrificialpost,weagreethatoverthemillenniaasimplerpegmightbothdivergeandre-merge,terminologicallyand20 Introductory ChaptersWethereforebelieve thatanyanalysisof theintroductionof the kilatoTibet must takecognizanceof the inherently sacrificialconnotationsof this implement within itsoriginalSouth Asian context.Withoutelaboratingatlengthonpre-BuddhistTibetanreligion,inshortwecansaythatitisverywell knownfrom Dunhuangsources,fromcontemporaneousChineseaccountsin theTang Annals(Bushell1880: 441,475,488),andfromarchaeologicalsources,thatbloodsacrificewasacrucialfeatureof pre-Buddhist Tibetanreligion.Animals,andpossiblyalsohumans,wereofferedonnumerousoccasions,suchasoath- taking,funeraryrites(Tucci1955:223;LiandCoblin1987:10),andmountaindeityrites.15 Someof the strongestevidenceisforlarge-scalebloodsacrificeasacentralpartof thefuneraryrites.Forexample,the DunhuangtextPT1289describesmdzomosacrificeduringthefuneralrituals;PT1194describesthe sacrificeof sheepduringfunerary rituals;PT1136describesthesacrificeof horsesduring thefunerary rites; PT1068describesgeneralanimalsacrificeduringthefuneraryrites.Whilewecannotbesureof theexact date of these Dunhuang texts,itseems reasonable to infer that they describe non-Buddhist Tibetan traditions. Sacrificeanddismembermentof numeroussacrificialanimalsisamplyconfirmedbyrecentarchaeological excavationsof 8th to9th century Tibetan tombs(Heller,2003).Thelatterfeature- dismemberment- isastypicallysignificantforTibetansacrificeasforsacrifice elsewhere.ItisnotonlysomethingfoundbyarchaeologistsworkingonoldTibetanburialmounds,butis alsoreportedinDunhuangtexts- forexample,withtheyaksacrificedescribedinChapter8of theOld TibetanChronicleandanalysedbyNickAllen(1978)andSandyMacdonald(Macdonald1980:203);they reportedthatancientTibetansacrifice,justlikeIndia'sprototypicalPurusasukta(Rgveda10.90),involved dismembermentandsharingtoreflectsocialstatus.MichaelOppitz(Oppitz1997:533-4)addstosuch analysisinhisdiscussionofPelliot1068,andalsoPelliot1038,inwhichlatterdismembermentofthe sacrificialanimalisseenasapoliticalmetaphor.Remnantsofthesetraditionscontinueinnon-Buddhist regionaldeity ritestothisday,where bloodsacrificeisacommonplace(DiembergerandHazod1997:273- 276),andaswehavepointedoutabove,suchdismembermentandsharingof thesymboliceffigy-victim alsooccursin the Mahayoga tantricfeast (Sanskrit: ganacakra;Tibetan:tshogs kyi'khor lo).Itthereforeseemsa usefulhypothesistoproposethat phur paritualsoriginallyappearedsoattractiveto Tibetansbecauseoftheirexceptionallystrongemphasisondeeplyfamiliarmotifsofsacrifice, dismemberment,and hierarchicalsharing.Infact,theabovehypotheticalproposalnowhasatinybitofdirectevidencetosupportit.Tantric Buddhistlihgasoreffigiesforsuppressionof sridemons(srimnan)drawnonanimalskulls,absolutely exactlyasprescribedintheearliest phur pasuppressionrites,16 havebeenfoundamongthevastsacrificial animalremainsattwoexcavated8thto9thcenturyTibetantombsinAmdo,asAmyHeller(2003)reports. Whatmakestheseexamplesespeciallyinterestingisthewayinwhichdemonsof animportantindigenous category- thesri,whoareunknowninIndia- become(andaretoremainuntilmoderntimes)prime adversariesof anentirelyIndianexorcisticmethod,astaughtintheVajrakllayatantras.Thusthesetombs revealatraditionalpre-Buddhistsacrificialburial,butwithsomeevidenceofBuddhistsyncretism. Unsurprisinglyin thelightof thisevidence,therearealsoDunhuangtexts,suchasPT239,whose basicgist is toadvocate thesubstitution of non-violent Buddhist funerary ritesfor thesanguinary indigenousfunerals.[2]Oursecondhypothesisinvolvestheusageof mythinritual:asSamtenKarmayhaspointedoutso eloquently,thereisampleevidencetosuggestthatthecloselinkageof ritualtomythwasimportanttopre-conceptually,withthemorecomplexsacrificialpost.Nevertheless,asMadeleineBiardeauhaspointedoutinherstudyof the Indiansacrificialstake Histoiresde poteaux,itisveryoftenrashtodistinguishbetweenso-called'great'and'little'traditionsin India.What goes on in the villageisoften just another form of what goes on in great temples.Biardeau1989, passim.15 See Wangdu and Diemberger 2000:101,for a Buddhist criticism of animalslaughter involved in ritesfor the deity,Thanglha.16 See Boord 2002:234ff for Phur pa smad las mnan pa rites using linga drawn on animalskulls.Why did the Phur pa tradition becomeso prominentin Tibet? 21Buddhist religion in Tibet.The Mahayoga phur pa'liberative killing' rite closelyintegratesritual and myth in amannersimilartotheindigenousTibetanpattern,andthismighthavecontributedtotherapidlyachieved popularityof the phur paritualsinearlyBuddhistTibet.Tointroducethistopic,itisusefulfirsttociteone of Samten Karmay's discussionsof indigenousTibetan religion at length:"Itisnotcertain whether mythalwaysprecedesritualand,in myopinion,thequestionremainsunsettled. IdonotproposetosolvetheproblemheresinceinTibetantraditionmythisanintegralpartof rite. Together withtheritualitformsa'model'(naupayika>no p(h)yi ka,ie.it means,methodsforsdhana.FollowingDas's dictionary(s.v.no pi ka),Hackinandothersources,we havefound variouscitationsof theterm thatsupport thisinterpretation:IOLTibJ553(no pyika)and554(no pyikd),(http://idp.bl.uk/:delaVallePoussin 1962:171);Hackin(1924:8and 46(no phyika);seealsoBhattacharya,Sddhanamald209,228,240,248, whichmentionsddhanopdyikaxlEdgerton(1970:146),whocitesSddhanamald 415.5,449.17,468.12,and 486.3(allcolophons);andRoerich1976:160,whichreferstothebsTan'gyur text,'Jigrtensnang byed zla ba'i no pi ka.It isalsointeresting that we havefour categories.Thesedo not quitecorrespond to the"four phur pasor "four phur bus, which becamesuch an important aspect of Phur pa commentarial and practice traditions, but theydohavesomethingincommonwiththeset.18 Thefirsthassomeimplicationofanunderstanding relating tothe ultimate wisdom,thesecond and/or third relatetomeditative visualisation practices,including theunionof maleandfemaledeities,whilethefourthrelatestopracticewiththematerial phurbu.The similaritymaybeentirelycoincidental,butitperhapshighlightsthepointthatsomeof thebasicmotifsin Phur pa practices have remained constant.Translationof lines5-7From these,(5)regardingthePhurbumeansforattainment:thedeityDptacakra(lhatibtatsagkra),thegreat wrathfulone, hasa body colour of red;is three-eyed and[six]-armed;(6)hasasinglelowerlimb(zhabsgcig)[of a]Vajra[downwards(pointing)?]19 [prong?][--];hecrushes the[great]yaksasof the world;and(7)onself being[non-dual]with the[single]expanse,thisis the meansfor attainment.Commentson lines5-7Aquestion that arises hereconcernsthedeity Dptacakra,whose nameappearson line5.HereinPT349 Dptacakraisclearlymale:lhatibtatsag krakhrobochen po.Moreover wefind passagesinanumberof otherauthoritativeancientsourcesthatremixmanyofthewordsofPT349,andwhichalsoaffirm Dptacakra -at leastin thiscontext -asa maledeity.Such passagesoccur in theVajrakllaya writingsof the16 Our analysisowes much to Matthew Kapstein, personalcommunuication,February1,2000.17 Thanksto Gudrun Melzer for discovering these titles within the Sddhanamald.18 Therearesomevariationsin thefour phur paset.TheBumnag (andsourcesfollowingthe'Bumnag),givestherig pa ye shes, thethugsrjesprul pa'i,gsang babyang semsandmtshanmardzaskyi phurbu(bDud'jomsbKa' maedition:435ff and467ff; Boord2002:259ff,282ff).Amyeszhabsnotes(142.4)tshad med snyingrje'iasanalternativeforthugsrjesprul pa'i,while somesources,(eg.KhenpoNamdrol[45-7],GyatrulRinpoche[254-260]),reversetheorderingof thesecondandthirdof the categories(see Cantwelland Mayer 2007:37).19 if bub/bubsisintended;bug -whichseemsto be the most likely reading -would mean,hole.Pelliot Tibtain349:The Text and Comments 153earlySaskyapamasterGragspargyalmtshan(11471216);20 inanNGBVajrakllayascripturecalledthe Phur pagsangchenrdorje'phrengba(forthesepassages,seetheAppendixbelow);andalsointhestill currentmajorSaskyapaVajrakllayaritual,thePhurchen,withitscommentaries(whichwewilldiscuss shortly).21 Yet in muchof the recent tradition,and especially in Western translation and study of Vajrakllaya, DTptacakraisalmostinvariablytakenexclusivelytorepresenttheSanskritnameof thefemaledeitywhom Tibetan sourcescall'Khor lorgyas'debs ma.22This'Khor lorgyas'debsmaisthecentral Vajrakllayadeity's famousfemaleconsort of union (,sbyor),a morecommoncounterpart toEkajata whoishisfemaleconsortof killing(sgrol) -although whether thesetwoarereallyseparateconsorts,or twoaspectsof thesameconsort, isvariable- sometimestheyaredescribedastwoseparateconsorts,sometimesastwoaspectsof thesame. Butitisnoteworthythat whilesomanyrecentsourcesnowgive'Khorlorgyas'debsmatheSanskritname DTptacakra,this usageis rarein Tibetan literature, wheresheisgenerallycalled only by her Tibetan name.In traditionalTibetansources,wecanonlyrecollectoneinstanceoftheexplicituseofDTptacakrain descriptionsorhomagesto'Khorlorgyas'debsma,andthatinasetofaspirationalversestoberecited followingthemainpracticetextratherthanintheprincipalsectionsof thepractice.23 Ontheotherhand, thereareseveraloccasionswhen Ekajata isidentifiedas'Khor lo rgyas'debsma,for example,in theSaskya literature; but here the tendencyseems to be morea conflation of the twoconsorts.24Nevertheless,thereisatleastonegoodjustificationfortheusageofDTptacakra- itcomesfromher mantra,omdiptacakrahanahanahum phat(seeaboveCh.5,p.81).25 However,itinnowaytranslatesher Tibetanname.TheTibetanname'Khorlorgyas'debsmameanssomethinglike"Shewhosealswiththe wheel[s]".But,asKongsprulpointsout(followingearliercommentarialtradition),theetymologyof the mantra isasfollows:dipta means blazing,cakraisa wheel,and hanahanaistheexclamationstrike!strike!; sothewholemantra means"strike,strikewith the blazing wheel!"Headdsthatitisbecauseof themeaning of thismantrathattheyumappearsholdingawheelofdestructioninherrighthand.26 Thustheliteral20 Indeed,asmentionedabove(seeCh.2,p. 15note3),thiswork mayinfactderivefromGragspargyalmtshan'sfather,Sachen Kun dga'snying po(1092-1158).21 Thereisalsoa brief parallelinthe Phur pabcu gnyis'sChapter20(DVol.Pa:241r-v),whichgivestheinvocation,followed by twolinessimilar toIOLTibJ 331.Ill(8r)and thenaninstructiontorecitetheVajraClaworother mantra(dipta tsakra phur pa'i lha/ /khros pa'i mi bzad 'bar ba'isku/ /ske naslag g.yon bzungla bzlas/ /rdo rje tho bas g.yas pas brdeg/ /rdo rjesder mo'amsoso yis/ /gsod pa'isngags nidrag bzlaste/).22 ManypublicationsinEnglishwilloptforSanskritequivalentnamesfordeities,andonthisbasis,DTptacakrahasbeenused,in thesameway that thePhur pa herukadeityisgenerallyreferred toinWestern publicationsasVajrakllaya,anamewhichisboth aliteraltranslationof Tibetan,rdorjephurpa,andwhichiswell-attestedinTibetansourcesasanequivalent.ForDTptacakra usedastheSanskritequivalentfor'Khorlorgyas'debsma,seeforexample,Mayer1996:174andMayer1998:293;orsee Boord2002:39andBoord2002:316.SeealsothenumerousunpublishedworksonVajrakTlayaproducedbyvariousWestern Dharmaorganisationsfortheirpractitioners,forexample,theimpressivelyextensiveanddetailedworksof theVajravairocana TranslationCommittee based in the USA to whichhalf a dozenleadingrNying ma pa lamasand mkhan poscontributed;or those circulatedamongthe WesternSaskya pacommunity,towhichseveralmajorSaskya palamashavecontributed:inallof these, DTptacakraisubiquitouslyusedtoindicatethefemaleconsort'Khorlorgyas'debsma.However,Boord1993temporarily changedhisusagefromDTptacakratoTrptacakra,withoutcomment;wehavenotencounteredtheformTrptacakrainany Tibetansources.Boord 2002 reverted from Trptacakra back to the more usual DTptacakra.23 thisisin the bDudjoins gNamIcags spu gri las byang,Volume Tha:149.3.24 ComparetheSaskyaPhurchen16.4ff wheretheusualSaskyaformof'Khorlorgyas'debsmaiselaboratelyvisualised,with theSa skyaPhur chen36b.- 37a wherewithnoexplanationthissamevisualisationislengthily praisedasEkajata;forasimilar passage,see also Grags pa rgyal mtshan p. 184,f.373r.A myes zhabsoffers no explanationin his great commentary(see below).25 In Nyang ral'sbDe bar gshegs pathamscad kyiphrinlasdus pa Phur pa rtsabai rgyud,a variant of this mantrafor generating the yum isgiven,"omdiptacakraru lu rulu bhyo"(mTshams brag NGBVolume Ya:765.3).26 Seehisfamouscommentary,dPal rdorje phur partsabairgyud kyidumbuisgrel pasNying pobsdudpadpalchen pai zhal lung zhesbyaba,p. 101.Theconsort'sappearanceisdescribedverysimilarlyinrNyingmaandSaskyasources,butthereare variationsinwhatsheholdsinher right hand.In rNyingmasources,shemayholda bluelotus(Ratnagling pa,in dPal chenkl layaichosskor phyogsbsgrigsVol.10:390.4-5,430.1),a trident(bDud joms gnamIcagsspu grilasbyang VolumeTha:96; VolumeDa:101),bellorotherimplement(eg.vajra,seeMaggsar2003:226).InSaskyasources(asKongsprul'sdiscussion makesclear),sheissaidtocarryaradiantwheel(goldenandtwelve-spokedaccordingtooralteachingsbyH.H.SakyaTrizin,154 Soteriological Ritual TextsTibetantranslationof DTptacakrawouldbe'Khorlo'barba,not'Khorlorgyas'debsma?1 Nonetheless, althoughWesternlanguagepublicationsmaygiveaslightlymisleadingimpressionbysystematicallyusing thenameDTptacakrapurelyfortheconsort,theconsortsassociationwiththeDTptacakramantra,andthe integrationof thenameintootherSanskrit phrasesfor invitingher,28 domean that thetraditiondoeshavean establishedassociationbetweenthenameandtheconsort.Butthisisnottheonlyapplicationof thename DTptacakra in the traditionalcontext.Wesawabove(Ch.5,p.81note39)thattherootGuhyasamaja'sversionof theDTptacakramantra(Ch. 14;IOLTibJ438:55r.l;mTshamsbragNGBVolumeTsha:862.6)anticipatesitswidespreaduseinthe Tibetan traditionof VajrakTlaya,but unfortunately,theGuhyasamajaroot tantra isnot atallclear about what (if any)thegenderimplicationsof thewordsdiptavajracakramight be -doesthispointtoamalename,as inthePT349exampleandsimilarversesfoundinoft-quotedtraditionalsourcesinrelationtoadeified implementor srasmchogPhurpadeity,ortoafemalename,forthedeitysconsort?Orneither?Orboth? Unfortunately,theGuhyasamajacommentariesarenotanymoreclearthantheroottantraaboutthegender implicationsof the words -from what we haveseen so far, they only add to the uncertainty.29But herein PT349,itisclear that thenameDTptacakra refersnot totheverywellknownfemaleconsort deityof VajrakTlaya,buttoawrathfulmaledeified phur pa(khrobochen po,khroborgyal po),aform foundinseveralDunhuangtexts,aswehaveseen(Ch.3,p.39,Ch.5,p.72-73,Ch.6,p.96-98),generally consideredtheSupremeSonorsrasmchogformoftheVajrakTlayadeityinPhurpatraditions,and certainlyseen asquintessentially male.Thisapplicationof the nameDTptacakra toa maledeity with a phur bushaped lower bodyalso persistsin literatureinregularcontemporaryuse:thePhurchensadhana,themajorcurrentpracticeof theSaskya Khonlugs phur pa tradition,has thefollowing verse(starting on folio 24r line6):Cornwall1989),orinsomeoldersources(suchasGragspargyalmtshan'seditionof hisfatherSachenKundga'snyingpo's work,360rv),a curved knifeor bell(see also A myes zhabs291.45).27 Infact,thereisanoccurrenceof a mantra withthediptacakrahanahanahum phat elementinitinthe Myang'das'sChapter 20 (Cantwelland Mayer 2007:206), which from the context would seem to relate to the build-upof the mandala'sfoundations rather thantothearisingof thedeityandconsort.Themantraisfollowedbytheline,"om,theblazingmandala(of)thedarkblue triangle"(om gru gsum mthing nag'bar ba'idkyilkhor)[our italics].28 IntheSaskyaPhurchen(28r.2-4),sheisaddressedas,'Khorlorgyas'debsma,butthefollowinginvitationmantrausesthe nameDTptacakra (om dlpta tsakra sa ma dzah).29 Thereareagreatmanycommentaries- aroundadozenbsTan'gyurvolumesarededicatedtoGuhyasamajacommentaries! ChintaharanChakravarti'seditionof theSanskritmanuscriptof Candraklrti'sGuhyasamajatantrapradipodyotanatikafromthe RahulCollectiondoesclearlyinterpretdiptavajracakraasreferringtoafemale(page159,paragraph3:omityadikoniranto mantrah\ chindachindasadhyakayam\ hanahanakayabalam\ dahadahakaya[m]\ diptavajramcacakramcavasva diptavajracakretyamantranam\ hum phaditi codanam).Boord translatesthis very nicely,but acceptsit without further question (Boord2002:39).However,J.S.JhapointsoutinhisintroductionthattheRahulCollectiontextappearstocommentona Guhyasamajaroottextthathasa numberof readingsnotfoundinotherGuhyasamajaeditions- sofurtherresearchof Sanskrit sourcesisprobably calledfor.Meanwhile,theTibetantranslationof thisfamouscommentary byCandrakTrtiaswitnessedinthe PekingandGoldenbsTan'gyurs(Peking2650,Vol.Saf. 155b;KinsharGyud'grel volSa,201)doesnotspecifyafemaleatall (om zhes by a bala sogs pani sngagste/ ming mtha' med cesbya'o/ /tshindatshinda zhesbyabani/ bsgrub par byaba'iluschod cig pa'o//hanahana zhesbyabaniluskyistobschomsshigpa'o//dahadaha zhes panilusbsregsshigpa'o//diptabadzra cakra zhesbyabani rdorje dang'khor lo'bar bacansans yin pala/ 'bar ba'irdorje'khor locan zhesbod pa'o/ /hum phat ces panibskulba'o/).AnotherGuhyasamajacommentarialtextfromthePekingbsTan'gyur(Vol.Sha,243b-244a)whichis attributedtoNagarjuna,theSriguhyasamdjatantrasyatantratikanamaordPal gsangba'dus pa'irgyudkyirgyud'grel pa,also commentsonthisGuhyasamajaverseinsuchawayastoleavegenderunspecified:omnimam par snang mdzaddo/ /tshinda zhes pa ni chod ces stonto//ha na zhes pani bsgrubbya'i lus sod cig ces par stonto//diptabadzra zhes pani rdorje'bar ba ste/ /bod pa'itshig go /humdang phat nikhros pala'o/Clearly,amorethoroughexaminationof bothSanskritandTibetansources would be necessary beforearriving at a clear decisionabout DTptacakra's gender inGuhyasamaja commentarialliterature.Pelliot Tibtain349:The Text and Comments 155tiptacakra phur pa'ilha/ mthing nag gcer buralpacan/ skustod khrobochen pola/zhal gsum phyag kyangdrug paste/ dbularigsInga'isangsrgyasrdzogs/ liebamanchad sku yicha/ utpalsngon po'i 'dab'draba/ 'bar ba'i phreng ba'khrigs pa'i'od/ Icagskyi phur pa zur gsum pa/ drag por gyur ba'i phur pa ste/ btab nalha yang brlag par'gyur/ gnod byed bgegsla smos ci dgos/"Diptacakra,Phurpadeity,/Darkblueandnaked,withmattedhair,[Your]upperbodyisagreatmale wrathfulone./Withthreeheadsandsixarms,/[Your]headsareperfectedbytheBuddhasof theFive families./Thepartof your bodywhichisbelowthemiddle/Islikethepetalsof a bluelotus./Withlight amassinginablazinggarland/[Around]thethree-sidediron phur p a j Thisisthe phur pa[whichhas] becomedestructive!If it weretostrike,eventhegodswould bedestroyed,/ Whatneedistheretospeak of the harmful forcesand obstacles?Thegreat17thcenturySaskyasavant'Jam mgonAmyeszhabswrotethedefinitivecommentaryonthe Sa skya Phur chen,and hisanalysisof the wordstiptaca kra phur pa'ilhaetc.ascited abovearequiteclear. Hesaysthat:theyrefertothematerialkllaheldinoneshands,whichisvisualisedasthe"SupremeSon klla;thatthisisa maleKllayadeity;and that theTibetanmeaningof hisnameis'khorlo'bar ba.30Wecan seethatthewords'khorlo'barbafollowtheliteraltranslationof diptacakrathatwefindinmuchbsTan 'gyurcommentaryonGuhyasamajaCh. 14,andalsoinTibetancommentarialexplanationsof themeanings oftheSanskritmantraofVajrakllayasfemaleconsort- butwhichisrarelyusedasheractualnamein Tibetansources, which instead usually call her'Khor lo rgyas'debs ma.Notealsothatsomeof thelinesherefromthePhurchenareparalleltotheGuhyasamajacommentarial materialspresentedin theappendixgiven below:/utpal sngon po'i'dab'draba/'bar ba'i phreng ba'khrigs pa'i'od,and also sku stod khrobochen pola/ zhal gsum phyag kyang drug pa ste/;alsoliebamanchad sku yicha.Inaddition,theaboveversesareclose to theversesfromGragspa rgyal mtshanandfrom the NGB's Phur pagsangchenrdorje'phrengba'irgyud thatweciteintheAppendixbelow,whereweagainfinda maleDiptacakra - althoughtherefollowingPT349ingivingthedeity'scolourasredrather thanblue.The versesdescribinga"Sonformfor thenirmanakayaconsecrationinIOLTibJ331.Ill(3r,seeabove,Ch.6, p.96-98)arealsosimilar,althoughthereisnotsuchanobviousparallel.Infact,theseversesorvarious remixesof them arequite widespread in VajrakTlaya literaturein general.31Giventhat'Khorlorgyas'debsma'smantracontainstheelementdiptacakra,andthesheerdepthof opinionthatcallsherDiptacakra,thisraisestheissueof thedoubleapplicationof thenameDiptacakrato Vajrakllaya'sSupremeSonandtohisconsortof unionalike.WhilesomeIndologicalscholarsmightargue that such nameand gender ambiguitiesare unremarkablefrom their point of view,our impression is that they30 dipt atsakra phur pa'ilhacessogsbrjod/ dedagidonni/ dfptatsakra zhes pasnilag na yod pa'i srasmchog denyid gsal btab pa yinla/ 'o na'di badzra kf la ya yin pa la/ dfptatsa kra ste'khor lo'bar ba zhes brjod pa.(A myes zhabs1973:347).31 Forexample,MartinBoord(1993:107)haspresenteda translationof theversesasfoundinthe18thcentury Byang gterauthor Phrinlas bdud 'jom's Byang gter phur pa'i dbang gi lo rgyuslegs par bshad panor bu'i do shal.However, perhaps misled by the commoncurrent usageof thenameDiptacakra purelyfor theconsort(or perhapsfollowingan uncitedoralexplanation?),Boord appearstointroducetheword'and'conjecturallyintohistext,togetaroundwhathequiteunderstandably(butperhaps mistakenlyinthiscase)seesastheanomalyof thenameDiptacakra beingapplied tothequintessential^maleklladeity.Inthis way,Boord triestoattributethe nameDiptacakra to thefemaleconsortinstead.Hence,hegives usa yum-yabinterpretation:"Oh Trptacakra[and]theKllagod,darkblueincolour,naked,withlongdishevelledhair...".Probably,Boordshouldhavemore simplywritten:"OhDiptacakra,Kllagod,darkblueincolour,naked,withlongdishevelledhair...",thusacceptingthe transmitted textualevidenceof Diptacakra applyingtoasinglemaledeity.Boord(1993:108,note398)seemstosaythatPhrin lasbdud'jomstookhistextfromthe17thcenturybKa'brgyudpaauthorgTsangmkhanchen'Jamdbyangsdpalldanrgya mtsho'srDorjephur pa'ichosbyung,butwearenotsureif thisiswhathemeans.Nevertheless,itisclearthattheauthor (whether Phrinlas bdud 'jomsor gTsang mkhanchen)associatestheseverses withthefamousPharpingnarrative,which wefind in PT 44and throughout subsequent Phur pa histories(seeabovep.45-47):hencetheauthor hasPadmasambhava utter a version of theseversesintheAsuracaveatPharpinginordertotamethevarioustroublesomegodessesthere(heliststhemasShona, bDag nyid chen mo,and bSe mo).156 Soteriological Ritual Textsaresufficientlyrarein rNyingmapaliterature- atleastfordeitieswithsuch prominentandclearlydefined personalitiesasthese- toposeaninterestingquestion.Ifthisis(asseemslikely)morethansimplya modernistconfusionprompted bytheSanskritisingimpulseof Westernscholarship,thenwastheambiguity originallyplanned,adoctrinalandritualdevelopmentthatwasdeliberatefromitsoutset?Afterall,there arefewIndiantantrictraditionsmoreminutelyanalysedthantheGuhyasamdja,andfewTibetantantric traditionsmorecommentedupon thanVajrakllaya.Orwasitapossiblyanachronisticanomalyarisingfrom thegradualemergenceof Vajrakllayaandhismandalaoutof theconceptualvaguenessof thepantheonic margins- whereidentityandgenderismoreoftenill-defined- intotheminutelyscrutinisedlimelightof pantheoniccentrality - whereidentityandgenderisusuallymoreclearlydefined?Ordiditoriginallyarise fromtheconfusionof afaultyscribaltransmissionthatwaslaterrationalised,orfromsomeotherkindof interpretationalconfusion between mantrasand names?Or wasit a result of alternativeinterpretationsof the verseinGuhyasamdjatantra Chapter14 and itscommentaries?Notwithoutimportantreservations,onecanalsoconsideranadditionalperspective:theSupremeSon can be functionally very close tosome aspectsof theconsorts role.Both can represent Vajrakllaya's practical apotropaicactivitiesof summmoningandliberatingobstacles(whichtypicallymakeuseof afurtherminor pantheonof moremarginaldeities).TouserNyingmapaterminology,theSupremeSonandtheconsort alike(alongwithothermoremarginaloftenfemaleVajrakllayamandaladeitiessuchasthedog-headed goddessSvna32)canbeespeciallyimportantinthesmadlas,thesubsidiaryritesofeliminating obstacles.33 Couldthisfunctionalclosenessofthemalenirmanakayaformtothemoremarginalfemale deitiesofactivityandhisconsequentco-habitingof varioussubsidiarymandalaswiththemcontributeto occasionalnameorgenderambiguity?Butaseriousproblemwiththisanalysisisthatitistheconsortof liberation (,sgrol),Ekajat, whofits thisscenario, rather than theconsort of union (sbyor),Khor lo rgyas'debs ma.Nevertheless,genderand nameambiguityiscertainlynotsorareamongthemoremarginaldeitiesof the Vajrakllaya mandala:onecan pointout that the twentyattendantsof theTen Wrathful Deities(twofor each) maybedescribedasallfemale,butgenerallyarepresentedastenmalesandtenfemales;34 likewiseSvna canalsosometimes(butcomparativelyrarely)havemalecounterparts,35 andthedescriptionsof theother32 HerSanskrit nameisvariously renderedasSvanamukhI,Svanmukha,Svana,orSvanaandherTibetannameasShonaorShwa na.Sheisthemostfamousof theVajrakllayaprotectresses,whoseplaceintheVajrakllayamandalatraditionallygoesbackto her being tamed by Padmasambhava at Pharping (seeCh.4 above,p.45-47).33 Evidencefor thiscanbefoundinthe Phur pabcu gnyis,whereCh.9isdevoted entirely totheSupremeSon.HeretheSupreme Sonisenvisagedashavinghishomeinthemandalaof thesecretconsort,'encircledbyablazingradianceof fire,'(perhapsan allusiontoDIptacakraasafemale,perhapsanattributeof himself),whereheco-habitswithrelativelymarginalandmainly female'subsidiary rite'deitiesof killing and liberating and thelargely female Vajrakllaya protectorssuchasSvana and Remati.34 ThePhur partsaba'idumbureferstothemallinturnas"sprulpa'ilhamophramenma",butthe'Bumnag(bDud'jomsbKa' maedition:339.1and340-342;Boord2002:187-188)isexplicitinidentifyingeachpairasamaleassociatedwiththemale wrathfuldeityconcerned and a femaleassociated with thefemale wrathfuldeity,and manysources,both rNying ma andSa skya (seeAmyeszhabs:308),provideasimilarinterpretation.TheDunhuangThabskyi zhags pacommentary(IOLTibJ321)also presentsthetenattendantsclassifiedasmaleintransmittedsourcesasproceedingfromthemandalaof maleWrathfulOnes (f.53v),andthoseclassifiedasfemaleasproceedingfromthefemaleWrathfulOnes'mandala(f.54v),describedinChapters12 and13respectively.However,despitetheBumnag'sownexegesis,Boord(2002:xxi)indicatesthatitshistoricalaccount (Boord2002:209)seemstoidentify theemanationsasfemale.Moreover,headdsthat the NorthernTreasure(Byang gter)Phur pa texts uphold this understanding.35 Thegtermaof mChoggyurglingpa(mChog gling gter sar)havebothmaleandfemaleSvanadeities:forexample,theZab bdunmchog zab yang dag gi shwanachen poi zlogpa'i phrinlasbcolba(Volume17,pp.559-569)hasthepassage:vabgcig shwanamukhache/mthuchenbdud rgyal mams kyi gshed.Jkhyod kyivumgcig shwanama/mkhala'khor'dasthamscad rdzogs/ (p.562).Thanksto Andreas Doctor for these texts.Note however that in the Shwa na dkar nag gi rgyud of the NGB(sDe dgeZhaf.260;mTshamsbragJip. 1096;gTingskyesShap.493;NubriSaf.65gong;Rig'dzinShaf.222),whichistheonly TantraspecificallyforSvanadeitieswithwhichwearecurrentlyfamiliar,onlyfemaleformsofSvanaareeverexplicitly mentioned(althoughitisalsojustconceivablethatmaleonesmightalsobeveryvaguelyimplied,especiallywithaliberal helping of creativeexegesis;at least they are not explicitly precluded).Pelliot Tibtain349:The Text and Comments 157VajrakTlayaprotectorscanalsovaryquitealot.Wecanconcludethatwhatmightbesurprisingaboutthe genderandnameambiguityof DIptacakraisnotsomuchtheambiguityassuch,butitsexistencebetween such famousand well-defined deitiesas Vajrakllayas main consort and hisSupremeSon.Translationof lines8to11Asfor the meditational tantra[tradition] [......]:(8)fromoutof thesingle[nondual]expanse,onthe palmof theright hand,[visualisearisingoutof]the syllable ta,a moon disc;(9)since[they]arethenatureof skilfulmeans,thetengreatwrathfulmale[deitiesariseuponit].Onthe left palm,from the[syllable]ma,(10)arisesa sun mandala;since[they]are thesymbolof the natureof wisdom,(11) the ten great wrathful female[deitiesarise upon it].Commentson lines8to11Line8:Herewehaveashortversionof theconsecrationritualfoundinIOLTibJ331.Illandmanyothertexts (seeaboveCh.5and6,p.75,102-106),in which thedeitiesariseon thehands.Thetextsreadingof tafor theseedsyllablegenerating themoonisinagreement with IOLTibJ331.Ill(4v.l),and the parallel passage inthePhrinlas phunsumtshogs pa'irgyud(mTshamsbragNGBVolumeChi,1034.7)gives,"ta".Other sources,however,includingPT44(seeabove,Ch.4,p.55,66)givethesyllablea,36 andtextsfromthe commentarialandpracticetraditionsseemalsotogivethesyllable,a,forthemoon.37 Yetpresumably, taisnotanerror,orifitisanerror,itisasharedtransmittederror,sincewewitnessitinanother Dunhuangsource,and its persistence(or at least the persistenceof thesyllable,"ta")in a NGBtext.Lines9and10:Thetenwrathfulones(khrobobcu)andtheirconsortsareveryimportantintheVajrakTlayatraditions andof courseoccurthroughoutmanyotherVajrayanatextsinaddition.Inthisversionof thisrite,theten wrathfuldeitiesand their consortsarementionedasarisingdirectly,presumably uponthevisualisedsunand moon on the palmsof the hands.In other versionsof the rite(seeaboveCh.5and6,p.75,102-106),it is the fivebuddhafamilymaleandfemaledeitieswhoariseandunite,afterwhichfurtheremanationsare produced.Here,the processwouldseemlessgradual,and thereisnomentionof theelaboratehandgestures ormudra,althoughthesemaybeimplied.AsnotedaboveinrelationtoPT44andIOLTibJ331.Ill(see Ch.4,p.55,Ch.5, p.82-83),PT349shares with PT 44a reversalof the positioningof thesun and moon,here indicatingalsoareversalofthegenderassociationsfoundinmostsources,thesunlinkedwithfemale wisdom,andthemoonwithmaleskilfulmeans.Assooftenwithsymbolicimagery,itseemsthatthe specificconnotationsarelesscrucialthantherelationshipofoppositionandunificationbetweenthetwo components.Translationof lines11-14Meditating on[these]and soforth,for the Tantra[meditation traditions]virtuousqualitiesof [Phur bu]:(12) byspreading[thedeitiesoveroneshands]inthisway,onesobstaclesinthislifewillbepacified; [thereby]theaccumulationsof merit can beattained[](13)[sothat]onepassesontoanabodeinthetranscendentheavens[where]theaccumulationof primordial wisdom can[also]be attained;(14)andthusthetwoaccumulationsof meritandprimordialwisdomcanbothbeattained:[hencethese are the]virtuousqualities.36 Someparalleltexts,suchastheNGB'sMyang'dasCh.9(seeabove,AppendixtoCh.6,p. 128)donotgiveasyllablefor generatingthesunandmoonatall;itonlymentionsthesyllables,humandah(ora),whichariseabovethegeneratedsunand moon(IOL Tib J 331 .III gives bothsetsof syllables).PT 44 only gives thesun and moonsyllables,not any arising upon them.37 For instance,the'Bumnag,Mag gsar 2003,theSa skya Phur chen(see Ch.5,above,p.82-83).158 Soteriological Ritual TextsCommentson lines11-14Here wefind a rationale for theapotropaicaspectsof the Vajrakllaya rites:specifically aimedat removing this-worldlyobstacles,theyonlydosoinordertoenablespiritualpractice,asthefirststageof agradualist spiritualprogram.Thiskindof rationaleisalsofoundinhagiographicmaterialsaboutearlyVajrakllaya practitioners:seeforexamplethestoryof gNyagsJnanakumaraascontainedinthebDud'jomschos'byung (Dudjom1991:601-605).Thereferencetotherebirthinapurerealmisnoteworthy:inmostVajrakllaya literaturethisisa virtueenjoyed by practionersof Vajrakllayaand theirliberatedvictimsalike.IOLTibJ 331.Illmakesthisconnectionclearinitstitle,Zhibafi mchog phobafifphrinlasbsduspa'o-where'phrin las referstothePhur pa ritual,and'phobatotheyogictransferenceof consciousnesstothe purerealm(see above,Chapter1, p.9).Translationof lines14-22Regarding the material[object]for accomplishing Phur bu:(15)havingactedaccordingly[asabove],theobstaclesarepacified,thepatronswisheswillbe accomplished,(16,17)heavenlyabodeswill beattained,andeventhetwogreataccumulationswill becompleted.Since [the phur bu]doesnotdepartfrom thevery natureof skilful meansand wisdom,[itis]thematerial basis for qualitiesand accomplishment.(18)When[one]rollsand brandishesthe phurbubetweenonestwohands,[theseare]thematerialsfor thesuppressing and repelling phur bu:(19) makeit out of iron from a weapon[that hasfelled?]a man;aboveits knotted cords,establish Heruka; on the four sides,(20)establishthoseendowedwiththe[four]particularenlightenedactivities;ontheeightfacetsof the neck,establish the eight great mamos;(21) havingestablishedtheeightmukhas(mukabrgyad)onitspoint,atthetip(snala),[one]strikes onesown self.For the meditational tantra[tradition][-],since thisis the perfection of material,(22)consecrateitasthedeity,requestaccomplishment,and[onewillbeableto]strikeat[thewhole] Realm of Desire (kdmadhatu) below.Commentson lines14-22Lines14-17:Thisreiteratesmuchof theabove,butalthoughthetextistootersetobecertain,itwouldseemmost likely that thesecommentsare nowopeningasectionon thefeaturesandapplicationof the material phur bu whichhasbeenconsecratedbytheaboveritualmeditations.Itmaybe,however,thatourtranslationof rgyuasmaterial[object]ormaterialbasisismistaken,38 andtheintendedmeaningissimply,"the basis.Thestatementconcerningskilfulmeansandwisdomseemstoalludebacktotheearliermeditation onthesun,moonandwrathfuldeitiesarisingonthetwohands,andpresumablyconsecratingthe phurbu itself,aswefindspeltoutmoreexplicitlyinourothersourcessuchasIOLTibJ331.III.Itmayratherbe that theimpliedobject(s)embodying meansand wisdom is/arethedeitiesthemselves,but readingthelineas referring to theconsecrated phur bu wouldseem tofit most comfortably with thefollowing discussionof the material implement.Lines18-22:ThisnextsectionclearlyhasmuchincommonwithIOLTibJ331.Illsperfectionof form,indeed,the termfor perfection(phunsumtshogs pa)isthesamein bothcases,butherewehavergyuin placeof gzugs forthesubstance.Again,wehavereferencetoappropriatematerialsandthewayinwhichthe phurbu should befashioned.The text herein PT349isslightly obscure(mtshonmyilababspa'i Icags),butit seems apossibleconjecturethatthematerialismeanttobeironfromaweaponthathasactuallystruck,and38 It does,however,fit with the clear sense of "rgyu"as materialin lines18and 21.Pelliot Tibtain 349:TheText and Comments 159perhapskilled,aperson.Thiswouldappeartobeinkeepingwiththeinterlinealnotesof IOLTibJ331.Ill and NGBPhur pa sources(see above,Ch.6, p.92-93).Althoughthereisonlyashortdescriptionof thekilashapehere,nevertheless,attheveryleastwehave theknottedcords,thefour-squarebase,andaneight-facettedshaft,featuresthatmakeunmistakable reference to theyupaor Indian sacrificialstake (Mayer1991;seeCh.2above p. 16).Theestablishmentof deitiesonthedifferentpartsof thekilaisubiquitousinallPhurpaliterature(see alsoCh.4,p.54),butthedetailsof whichdeityisputwhereseemstovaryfromtexttotextandsadhana tradition to sadhana tradition,whichis perhaps understandablein that thedifferent Vajrakllaya mandalasare populated byslightly differentarrangementsof deities.Neverthelessthe placementof Heruka in hispalace abovetheknottedcords(asherealso)doesseemtobeaconstant.Thedeitiesofthefourenlightened activities willprobably be thoseof thestandard list of peaceful,increasing,powerfuland wrathful activities; theymaycorrespondtothewell-knownfourgoddesseswithironhook,noose,ironchainandbell,who summonandbind(seeCh.7,p. 138-139).Mentionismadehereoftheeightmuka;possiblyapopular Sanskritism(mukha=faceorhead),referringtothefamousanimal-headedgoddessesasfoundinmany Vajrakllayatextsallof whosenamesendin-mukha;forexample,eightoccurinChapter7of thePhur pa bcu gnyis,in thecontext of the definitivearrangement of thecentral Vajrakllaya mandala.Moreproblematicistheculminationof thissection,snalabdagranglagdabll.InOldTibetan,snala can beequivalent to snemola,39 in thiscasealmostcertainly referring tothetipof the phur bu.Presumably, theimplicationis thatoneis using the phur bu's tip,butit isnot entirelyclear whatstrikingoneself indicates inthisinstance.Therearetwomainpossibilities;first,thatthephurbu,visualisedasembodyingthe mandalaof deities(asdescribed),istouchedtoonesownbody,andthus,oneissimilarlyconsecratedand accomplishmentfollows.Thiswouldfit thecontext here verywell.Thereareimportantritualoccasionsin bothrNyingmaandSaskyaritesforsuchtouchingof thebodyplaceswiththe phurbu.Forinstance,the bDudjomsgNamIcagsspugricommentarydescribeshowoneshouldimbibethesubstancesof accomplishmentat theendof a retreat,and thisincludestouchingthemain ritual phurbu(referredtoasthe practicesupport)toonesthreebody places.40 TheextensiveSaskyaversionof the phurbuconsecration rite culminatesin thefreshly empowered kilasolemnly touched (not struck) to thefive placesand three doors (i.e.thecrownof theheadandthefoursidesof thehead,alongwiththeforehead,throatandheart).41 The second possibility is that the reference here relates toa moregeneralsoteriological point of view,from which theultimatefunctionof the phur paistoenableonetostrikeatthedelusion,desireandaggressionwithin39 bTsanlha ngagdbangtshulkhrims(1997:423)suppliesanexampleof emanationsat thetipsof light rays:"bkaf chemskakhol malas/ 'od zer re re'isna la 'jig rtengyi khams re rechags par sprul/ zhes pa lta bu'o/40 "Touching the practicesupport[phur bu]to(one'sown)threeplaces,and enjoyingthesubstancesof thesiddhi,meditate that the deitiesand thesiddhismelt intolight and dissolveinto[one'sown]heartlife-force,becominginseparable"(sgrubrtengnasgsum du gtug cingdam rdzas mamsla longsspyod nas/ lha dang dngosgrub'od du zhu ba bdag githugssrog la thim pas dbyer med du gyur par bsam/) bDudjoms gNamIcags spu gri bsnyen yig Vol.Da:172.1-2).41 SaskyaPhurchen,24r-25r.Elsewhereinotherversionsof thefiveBuddhafamilyconsecrations,theplacesmayberitually consecratedsimplythroughfoldingtogether the palmsof thehandsandtouchingthemtothe places.Inthiscase,itisclear that the phur buisheld(phur bu bzungsla/,24r.6),touched tothe placesinturn(spyigtsuglasogs pa'ignasInga dang/sgogsumdu regcing/,24v.3-4),andonlyafterwardsreturned toitsplaceon theshrine,meditating that theconsecrationsandempowerments of allthetathagatashavebeenconferred(debzhingshegspathamscadkyidbangdangbyinrlabskyidbangbskurbarbsam zhingphurpagdanlabzhaggo/25r.l-2).Amyeszhabsisexplicitinhiscommentarythatthe phur paisheldinthehands, addingmoreoverthatthephurpasofthedifferentdirections(presumablyofthemandalaontheshrine)aretobeusedin consecratingtheplacesaroundthehead,whilethecentral phur paisusedforthecrownof thehead,andthethreemainbody places(lag na yod pa'idbus kyi phur pa despyigtsug tu regde bzhindu shar gyi phur pa dedpral ba dang/lho'i phur pa ma ltag g.yas/nubkyiphur paltagpa/byanggiphurpamaltagg.yontegnasIngadang/yangdbuskyiphur padpralba/mgrinpa/ snying ga stesgogsum gyignasgsum du reg cig/, A myeszhabs348.1-3).160 Soteriological Ritual Textsoneself.42 Thisisseenastheultimateusageof theimplement,asoteriologicalinterpretationthatgoesback totheGuhyasamaja.Withinthecontext,however,thefirstpossibilitywouldseemmoreapt.Thesecond cannotberuledout,however,especiallysinceitismoreusualtousetermsfortouching(gtugorreg,for instance,intheexamplesabove)inthecontextof self-consecrationusingthe phurbu,ratherthantheterm forstriking,which we witnesshere(gdab).Itisalsopossiblethat both meaningsareintended,theultimate soteriologicaloneasan added levelof thesymbolism.Line 22:Aswehaveseen(Ch.5and6,p.74,93-94),IOLTibJ331.Ill's"Perfectionof Form",isfollowed byits sectiononthe"PerfectionofConsecrations".PT349likewiseinstructsthattheimplementistobe consecratedasthedeity.Inasense,theorderinghereisnotquitesoapparentlylogicalasIOLTibJ 331.Ill's,in that theearlier partof PT349alreadyseemed tospecifya visualisationof the phur buasadeity andaconsecrationtypeofrite,althoughthisstructurewouldappeartobeafeatureofthefour-fold categorisation given at theoutset.Theidea of "striking"the wholeRealm of Desiremight perhapsrelate toa perennial themeof the Phur pa meditativetradition,atransformation- ortransportationtonirvana- of worldlyrealms,through"striking" themwiththePhur pariteanditstantricrealisation.Thisissometimesgiventhetechnicalterm,the"Phur paof Existence"or"ExistenceKllaya"(sridpa'i phur pa),anexpressionwhichrelatestotherealisationof existenceasthePhurpamandala,sothatsamsaraandnirvanaareco-emergentandunifiedinPhurpa.43Here,such transformationisnotexplicitlydiscussed -and certainly thereisnomentionof thePhur padeity assuch -but thefollowing descriptionof the ritedirectedat obstaclesdoesstipulatethat transformationinto ultimate peaceis theobject.Translationof lines23-25(23) Asforthemethodofstrikingattheobstacles:theentiresubstancehavingbeenassembledasthedeit[ies],when rolling it between the hands,do not give rise to angry thoughts.(24) With great compassion adhered toas the basis,through thearising of light-raysand[their]emanationand reabsorption,(25) theformof whoever[therite's]objectisstruck,[and]bygeneratingbodhicitta,imaginethattheybecome transformed into[their]natureof great peace.Commentsonlines23-25:Thedescriptionof theactualwrathfulritemakesclearitsadherencetoconventionalBuddhistethics. Evenwhilestrikingattheobstacles(bgegs),PT349insiststhepractitionershouldnotgiverisetoangry thoughts,butshould proceed with a mind of compassion.Although notspelt out by name,the rite of forceful liberationor"killing"{sgrolbaormoksana)isclearlybeingreferredto.Wefindsimilarsentimentsinthe openingpassagesof IOLTibJ331.IllandinIOLTibJ754(seeabove,Ch.6,p.88-90andCh.7,p. 139, 144).Theclearevidenceof theDunhuangkila"killing"ritestakenasawholeseemstobethattheywere fully ethicised andsoteriologised.As we would expect from materialssoclosely linked toGuhyasamaja, this earlyTibetanPhur patraditionof sgrol bawasnotasorcerytradition,butaMahayanaBuddhistone,albeit in thefinal analysis most likely(via itsIndian antecedents)a bloodlesscaiqueon non-Buddhist Tantric blood sacrificial ritesof thetypestillsowidespreadinSaktareligion.Theriteof sgrol baof coursecontinuesasa centralpracticeincontemporaryrNyingmaparitual,especiallyintheVajrakflayatraditions,anditis42 Forinstance,thedamchos sprul skui snyingthig las/'phagsmchog nammkha'irgyalpo'i sgrubchen gyikhog dbub phanbde'i chu gter withinthebDud 'jomsCollected Works,givinginstructionsfor generating theobject of theliberatingkillingritewithin theeffigy,makesthepoint,"Itistaughtthatthenaturalexpressionof one'sownthreepoisonsareactuallygenerated,arisingas thethreeclassesof Rudra,anditisnotnecessarytosummonordissolve[theobject]fromoutside."(ranggiduggsumgyirang mdangsru dra sde gsum du shar ba'inges pa bskyed pa las phyi nas'gugs bstim midgos par bzhed/, Volume Nya:93.3-4)43 The termoccursin many texts,for instance,on four occasionsin the Myang'das(Cantwelland Mayer,2007:187,190-1,216).Pelliot Tibtain349:The Text and Comments 161remarkablehowlittletheritedescribedin theseDunhuangtextshaschangedover thelastmillennium,if at all.Thementionof theprojectionand re-absorptionof light raysinline24issimilar totheinstructiongiven atthesamepointintheritualasdescribedinIOLTibJ754,althoughinthatcase,itwasfocusedon radiating emanations, but not re-absorption (see aboveCh.7, p. 144).Translationof lines26-32(26)Then utter these versesof the Phur bu proclamation:These wrathful kings(27)summon and totally destroy theobstacles.Thosesupremely endowed with good intellect(28)Strike with the phur buin accordance with the rite.The great Vajra King, the Amrta being,Abidesas the Vajra Phur bu itself,(29) Bluein colour like an utpala,Gazing down at the hostsof obstacles.The parts below[his]navel(30)are like a point,and utterly[.....].If,endowed with his mantras,One definitivelystrikes with Vajra Phur [bu],(31)The[bodies?]of theobstacles will becomeentirely immobilisedom gha gha gha ta ya gha ta ya / sa rva du shta ni phat // kl la ki la ya(32)sa rva ba pham phat// hum hum[ba]dzra dha rod a[-]pa ya ti[...Commentsonlines26-32:Asdiscussedabove(p.36),variantsof these versesarefoundalsoin theGuhyasamdja tradition,andlater Phur pasources(see the Appendix below).Inthissection(line28)andinsomeof itsparallelpassages,themaledeityformwiththeherukaupper bodyandthekilalowerbodyiscalledrdorjergyalchenbdudrtsi po,theGreatVajraKing,theAmrta being.Wehaveseenabove(p. 147)thatassociationbetweenAmrtakundalinandthePhurpadeityisa featureof theinheritanceof theGuhyasamdjamaterials,althoughinthedevelopedPhurpatradition,this identificationisplayeddown;bDudrtsi(Amrta)orbDudrtsi'khyilba(Amrtakundalin)isoneof theten wrathfulones(khrobo bcu)in the Phur pa deity'simmediate retinue.Theculminating mantra does notsurviveintact in PT 349, but iseasily recognisableas thefamous mantra fromof theGuhyasamaja'sChapter14,identifiedelsewhereastherDorjesder mo,or"Vajraclaw"mantra (seeCh.5, p.85note61above,and Ch.9, p. 174-175below).A p p e n d i xt o C h a p t e r8Some parallel Sanskrit and Tibetantexts to PT 349 lines 27-32 ([1]and[2]prepared by Gudrun Melzer)Pindikramasdhana(PKS)of Ngrjuna:Facsimile Edition in Mimakiand Tomabechi1994:APKS2a4-2b3Manuscript of de la Valle Poussin'seditionBPKS2a3-2bl[1]Pin dikram asadh ana(de la Valle Poussin1896, pp.1-2)Anena krodharpena krsyaivam vinyakn| klayed vidhivat sarvn prayogena tu buddhimn||(10) vaj rmrtamahrj am vajraklam vbhvayet| nlotpaladalasymam jvlmlkulaprabham||(11) nbhidesd adhobhgam slkram vibhvayet| rdhvam krodhkrtim1caiva trimukhkrasadbhujam||(12) adho vighnagann vksya tan mantramsamudharan2 | nikhaned vajraklam tu vighnadehesu niscalam||(13)omghaghaghtayaghtayasarvadustnphat3 klayaklayasarvappnphat4 hmhm5 vajrakla vajradhara6jnpayatisarvavighnnm kyavkcittam7klaya hm8phat[2]sgrubpafi thabs mdor byaspa (Pindikrtasdhana)sDe dge rGyud1grel vol. Ngi,3.4^4.2;Peking 2661, p.269.khro bo'i gzugscan 'di yis ni // bgegs kyi dbang po nyid bkug nas // blodang ldan passbyor ba yis // cho ga bzhin du phur bus gdab // rdo rje bdud rtsi rgyal poche // utpalsngon po'dab ma'i mdog //1 A,B rdhvakrodhkrtim2 Asamudharet3 A +phat4 A +phat5 A+hm6 A vajradharo7 A kyavkcittavajram8 A +hm hmAppendixtoChapter8 163'bar phreng 'khrigs pa'i'od ldan pa // rdo rje phur bu rnam par bsgom // lte ba'i phyogs nassmad kyicha // rtse molta bur mam par bsam // stod ni khro bo'i dbyibscan te // zhal gsum phyag dmg lta bur bsgom // de yi gsangsngagslegs brjod la // bgegs kyi tshogs la 'og gzigs pas // rdo rje phur bu nges btab na // bgegs kyilus ni myi g.yo'gyur //om gha gha gha ta ya gha ta ya /sa rva du stam phat phat / kl la ya kl la ya / sa rva pa pam phat phat hum hum hum / badzra kl la ya / badzra dha ro a dznya pa ya ti /sarva bighnan / ka ya vak ci tta / badzra9kl la ya hum hum hum phat phatThe PindikrtasddhanopdyikdvrttiratndvalT or mDor bsduspa'i sgrubthabs kyi'grelpa rinchen phrengbaattributedtoRatnakarasanti(Peking2690:297b1.7.to298b1.2)contains a slightlydifferentversionofthe verses to theabove.Here,the versesare broken up with word bywordcommentary interspersed.ThankstoGudmn Melzer for discovering this passage:/rdo rje bdud rtsi rgyal poche//utpalsngon po'i 'dab ma'i mdog /'bar phreng 'khrigs pa'i 'od ldan pa//rdo rje phur bus rnam par bsgom/lte ba'i phyogs nassmad kyicha/ /rtse mo lta bur rnam bsam zhing/ /stod ni khro bo'i dbyibscan te//zhal gsum phyag dmg lta bu bsgom/de yi gsangsngagslegs brjod la/ /bltas pas'og tu bgegs kyi tshogs/ /rdo rje'i phur bus nges btab na/ /bgegs kyi lus la mi g-yo'gyur/om gha gha gha ta yasarba du stam hum phat phat /kl la ya kl la ya sarba pa pam phat phat hum hum badzra kl la ya badzra dharoadznya pa ya ti/ sarba bighnam ka ya ba ka ci ttam kl la ya hum hum hum phat phat[3]gZi ldan'bar ba mtshams kyi rgyudThis text of about twenty folios has no chapter divisionsor titles.The text cited below is taken from folios 274r-vof vol.Zhaof themTshamsbragedition(Vol 21pages551-552in the modern pagination).Itisvery close to the text from the Pindikrtasadhana cited above:/hum/ khro bo'i rgyal po'di bdag gis//bgegs kun bkug nas rnam par 'jig /bioldan rab tu 'byor pa yis//choga bzhin du phur kun btab/9 Peking omits164 Soteriological Ritual Texts/rdo rje bdud rtsi rgyal po yi//rdo rjei phur bu nyid gnas pa//utpalsngon poi mdog'dra bar//bar baiphreng ba khrig pa'i'od//Ite ba man chad chas rnams ni//phur rtse lta bur rnam par sgom//rostod khro bo lta bu nyid//zhal gsum phyag kyang drug pa ste//bgegs kyi tshogsla og tu gzugs//de yisngags ni brjod by a ste//rdo rje phur pa nges btab nas//bgegslus bzhin du mi g-yo ba'o//om gha gha gha ta ya sarba dustan hum phat//kilaya kilaya sarba papam hum phat//hum hum hum badzra kilaya//badzra darod adnya payati//ka ya bag citam badzra ki la ya hum phat/[4]Phur pa gsang chenrdo rjefphreng ba'i rgyud, Chapter16Rig dzin edition of the NGB,Vol.Sha folios 43v to 60rtib ta cakra phur pai lha// dmar pogcer bu ral pa can// kun kyang khro bochen po la// zhal gsum phyag ni drug pa ste// ral grisku la phur paiso// lte ba yan chad chas mams ni// na za rdo rje gocha gtams// lte ba man chad chas mams ni// utpalsngon poi mdogdra ba//'bar ba'i'phreng bas'khrig pa'i'od// lcags kyi phur pa zur gsum pa// btab na lha yang rlag pa'i phyir// gnod byed dgra bgegssmosci dgos// ki la ya/ ma ra ya phat/[5]Phur pa'i las byang,in Grags pa rgyal mtshan'sCollected Works rDo rje phur pa'isgmbskor,Sa skya bka''bum,vol.4, p182(388v-389r).dlb ta tsakra phur ba'i lha//dmar pogcer bu ral pa can//sku stod khro bo chen pola//zhal gsum phyag kyang drug pa ste//ral gri'isgra la phur bu'iso/lte ba man chadsku yi cha rnamsni//utpalsngon po'i'dab ma'dra//'bar ba'i phreng ba 'khrugs pa'i'od//lcags kyi phur pa zur gsum pa//drag po gyur pa'i phur bu ste//btab na yang brlag'gyur te/Appendix to Chapter 8 165/gnod byed bgegsla smosci dgos//om badzra kl la ya sarba bighnam bam hum phat/SCRIPTURALTEXTS9Se c t i o n s o fIOL Tib J 438:A D u n h u a n gv e r s i o no f t h e G u h y a s a m a j aw i t h c o m m e n t a r yIntroductionto theTextThisDunhuangversionof theGuhyasamaja(IOLTibJ438,togetherwiththesinglefolioof IOLTibJ 481)isabeautifullymadeandwell-preservedmanuscript,missingonlyafewfolios.Thereissome possibility thatit might representanearly translationof therootseventeen chapterGuhyasamaja,which was quitepossiblythebasisforRinchenbzangpo'sandlaterrevisionsofthetext.KennethEastman's preliminarystudy(1980),whichreviewedthevariousavailabletranslationsoftheGuhyasamajaandthe relationshipbetweenthem,concludedthatRinchenbzangpo'stranslation- andalllaterversions- were dependentonthisearlytranslation.HisargumentisthattheDunhuangtextisearlierthanRinchenbzang po'sand thattheconsiderableagreement between theDunhuangandlater versionswould beunlikelyif Rin chenbzangpo'shadbeendonewithoutanypriortranslationtorelyupon.1 Atthesametime,variants betweentheDunhuangtextandotherextantversionsshowthattheDunhuangmanuscripthassome distinctivereadings,andEastmannotes(1980:1)an"unsettleduseof terminology"(lessstandardized?)or inconsistencies.Today,giventheperiodinwhichrecentresearchindicatesthattheDunhuangtextswere written,ie.thelattertenthcentury(DaltonandvanSchaik2006:xxi),wecannolongerbequitesocertain thattheDunhuangtranslationpre-datedRinchenbzangpo(958-1055),althoughitremainsquitepossible thattheDunhuangmanuscriptconstitutesacopywhichmayhavederivedfromanoriginaltranslationata muchearliertime.Unfortunately,however,wedonotyethavedefiniteproofofwhenandwherethe originaltranslation wasproduced,only that wehaveacopyfromthelatetenthcentury.Eastmanmakesan apparentassumptionthatwherethetraditionstemmingfrom'Goslhasbtsas(c.1050)hasavariantin commonwiththatstemmingfromChaglotsaba(1197-1264),thismusthaverepresentedRinchenbzang po'stext.2 Evenleavingasideanyquestionofwhethertheextanttextsmayhaveamorecomplicated ancestry than their colophons might indicate, thisis unproblematiclogicallyonly if we can becertain that the tworevisorsusedmanuscriptswithentirelyseparatelineagesofdescentfromRinchenbzangpo'sown original3 and if wecan becertain thatChagdidnotconsult'Gos'swork(oramanuscriptdescendedfromor commentary based on 'Gos's revision).4 Since wearenotspecialistsinGuhyasamaja,weare unsure whether thisassumptioniswarranted.Ifitisvalid,thentheDunhuangmanuscriptwouldseemmostlikelyto representanolderanddistinctivetranslation,anditwouldbeextremelyvaluableassuch.5 Another1 Eastmanwrites(1980:4-5):"...weseeataglancethattheexemplarslatestindatereproduce,withoutalteration,alarge portion of theearliestmanuscript.AssumingthattwoTibetantranslators,workingindependentlyandwithoutaprevioustranslation beforethem,willnotuseidenticalwordsandsyntacticordertotranslateagivenSanskritverse,itisobviousthatonlyasingle original translation is represented:the Dun-huang text."2 Eastmansays(1980:5-6):"WehavenowitnessforRin-chenbzan-po'stext,here*R,butwecanreconstruct*Rforevery concurrenceof CandD".Eastman's"C"standsfor thetransmissionfrom'Goslhasbtsas,representedaccordingtoitscolophon bythesNar thangtext,whilehis"D"standsfor theancestor of thePekingandsDedgetexts,attributed bytheir colophonstothe revision of Chaglo tsa ba.3 Hadtheybothstemmed,say,fromacopyof acopyof Rinchenbzangpo'soriginal,variantssharedby'GosandChagmight have been introduced by a copyist rather than Rin chen bzang po.4 Hadhedoneso,hemighthavefollowed'Gos'sreadingssilentlyonanumberof occasions,sothatsomeagreementsbetween 'Gosand Chag might havestemmed from 'Gosand not Rin chen bzang po.5 TheeighteenversesexaminedbyEastmandemonstratethedistinctivenessoftheDunhuangmanuscript,andalsothe distinctivenessof the tradition(represented by the witnessesof the Peking and sDedgebKa''gyurs)of the textualtradition which Eastmanidentifiesonthebasisof thecolophonsasstemmingfromChaglotsa ba.Notethat theversesinthesTogPalacebKa' 'gyuredition(Volume96,Ca:1Or1lv)whichEastmanwasunabletoconsider,likethesNarthangbKa''gyureditionhedoes consult,donotevidencethesereadingssharedbythePekingandsDedgebKa''gyurs.Itisquitelikelythatthedifferences represent thetwomainbranchesof bKa''gyur transmission;in thiscase,sNar thanginheritinga Themspangma lineof descent,Sectionsof IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja with commentary 167possibilityisthatRinchenbzangpo'stranslationwaspriortosomeofthesharedreadingsofthelater versions,andthatitsharedatleastsomeoftheDunhuangreadings.6 Inthiscase,too,theDunhuang manuscriptistobegreatlyvaluedaspotentiallyclarifyingaspectsof theRinchenbzangpoversionof the text.Interestingly,thework byTomabechi(1999:56,76-78)onTabofragmentsof Guhyasamajatradition textssuggeststhat theTabo readingsof the root text aresometimesclose totheDunhuang manuscript andin contrast to thelater tradition's.Tomabechisees thisagreement assuggesting that Rin chen bzang po(whois attributedwiththefoundationofTabomonastery)preservedearlyreadingswitnessedintheDunhuang manuscript,beforetherecensionalamendmentsof'Gos.Attheveryleast,thisDunhuangtextwillbeof crucialimportanceforscholarsseekingtoclarifytheGuhyasamaja'searlyTibetanancestry,anditremains possiblethat,evenif the manuscript wasacopydated to thelatetenthcentury,7itsexemplarsmight go back toa much earlier time.8andsDedgea Tshalpa transmission.Eastman'sstudydoesnot,however,produceirrefutablelogical proof that Rinchen bzang po'stranslationwasdependentontheDunhuangmanuscripttraditionratherthanviceversa.Afullcriticaleditionandstudy wouldbenecessarytoexploremorethoroughlytherelationshipsbetweentheextantversions.Itisalsoworthnotingthat EastmanonlyhadthegTingskyeseditionoftheNGBavailabletohim,whichheusestorepresenttheNGBtradition.A provisionalglanceat themTshamsbragmanuscript'sChapter3(VolumeTsha:770-1)showsthatanumberof thegTingskyes variantsdemonstratedbyEastman(whotakesashissampletheversesof Chapter3)arescribalerrorsnotsharedbymTshams brag(eg.rnamsfor rabin verse13; gsang for gsal in verse15),but thata fewseemquitelikely torepresent aSouthCentraland BhutaneseNGBlineof descent(includingoneadditionaltshigrkanginverse2,whichisgivenasaninterlinearnoteinthe Dunhuang version).ThemTshamsbrag version,however,doesnotsharegTingskyes'sreadingof rdorjeinverse15,whereall theothereditionsgivezlaba'i,andEastmantellsusthatgTingskyes'sreadingalonefitstheSanskrittext(onthisbasis,he suggestsan input from another sourceinto the NGBtradition).We have not yet been able to consult thesDedge NGBversion:it isquitelikelythatanyideaof asingle NGBtraditionwillneedfurtherqualificationif,asinthecaseof the'Phags paThabskyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng gyi donbsdus pa,thesDedge bKa''gyur and thesDedge NGBtextstranspiretohave been madefrom thesameblocks(we willdiscussthisinourforthcoming work on theThabskyi zhags pa).The pictureisfurther complicated by thefact that thecolophon to the root tantra in mTshams brag's version(Volume Tsha:938)seems toindicatethatit wasedited by Chaglotsaba,ie.thatitsharesitsdescent withthePekingandsDedgebKa''gyur versionsconsidered byEastman,rather than thelineherepresentsasthe NGBinheritance!However,afurthercursoryexaminationof thevariantsinChapter3showsonly occasionalandpossiblycoincidentalagreementsbetweenmTshamsbragandEastman'sChagdescent,"D"(eg.inverse5,the line"dkon mchogdpalgyirgyachendang",shared byDunhuang,thegTingskyesNGB,andEastman's"C",becomes"rinchen toggiphyagrgyache"in"D",whilethemTshamsbragNGBreadingshares"D'"s"phyagrgyache"butretains"dkonmchog dpalgyi").Ingeneral,itdoesnotseemtoevidencethedistinctivereadingsof "D",butof course,theseversesareonlyasmall sampleof the text.6 Giventheclosenessof thedates,it isevenconceivable -if rather unlikelythat theDunhuangmay just represent a copyof Rin chen bzang po'stranslationitself.It does not,however,giveany colophon which wouldindicate this.Notealsothat thelate10th toearly11thcenturyIndianpanditawhovisitedTibet,Smrtijnanaklrti(seeCh.1 above,p. 12),wasinfactwellknownasa teacherof GuhyasamajainKhams,soitisalso just possiblethattheDunhuangGuhyasamajaderivesfromhim(seealsonote8 below).Cluesin thisconnection might befound by examining hisextant worksin thebsTan'gyur.7 WeunderstandfromSamvanSchaik(personalcommunication,March2007)thatthepaleographicalanalysisof thisparticular manuscript hasbeeninconclusiveintermsof datingit,butgiventhatnoneof theDunhuangmaterialshavebeencertainlydated prior to the tenth century,theonusof proof ison those who would arguefor an earlier date.8 CarmenMeinert,whohasworkedonChineseandTibetanDunhuangmaterialsandiscurrentlyworkingonafullstudyof IOL TibJ438,isof theopinionthatthetranslationwasquitelikelytohavebeendonewellbeforethelatetenthcentury(personal communication11/04/08).Itisalsoworthnotingthatwitnessesof thisfamousscriptureasfoundintheNGB(Rig'dzinVol. Tsa;sDedge Vol. Na;gTingskyesVol.Tsa),give very specificcolophonicinformationthat the mainGuhyasamaja mulatantra (i.e.chapters1-17without theUttaratantraor18th chapter)wasfirst translated byVimalamitraandsKabadpalrtsegs{pandita bimaladanglotsabaskawadpalrtsegskyibsgyur pa'oll),andmoreover,thatintheseparticulareditions,theUttaratantra (i.e.Chapter18)wastranslatedlaterbyBuddhaguhyaandacertain'Brogmidpalyeshes{rgyagar gyimkhan posangsrgyas gsangbadang/ /bodkyilotstshaba'brogmidpal yeshesbsgyurba'oll).TheRig'dzinandsDedgeeditioncolophonsalso suggestthatthefamousRinchenbzangpotranslationwasareworkingof theearliertranslation{sladkyimkhanpoatsarya shraddhakarawar madang / zhuchen gyilotstshabadge slong rinchenbzangposbsgyur te gtanla phab pa'oll),althoughit isnotabsolutelyclearif thisreferstothewholetext oronlytotheUttaratantra.Of course,colophonsarenotalwaysreliableas historicalsources,butadditionalinformationcomesfromtheBlueAnnals(Roerich:204-5,358-9),whichalsomentionsthat thereexistedtranslationsoftheGuhyasamajamadeearlierthanRinchenbzangpo's.Inonereference,theBlueAnnals168 Scriptural TextsAfurtherimportantfeatureofthisDunhuangGuhyasamajaisitscopiousinterlinearnotes.Eastman givesabrief resumof thetypesof commentsfound(1980:2),butnoteswithregretthathewasunableto readthemclearly,sincehehadaccessonlytoapoorreproductionof thebasisof amicrofilmcopyof the text.9 Afullstudyof thenotesthroughoutthetextbyaGuhyasamajaspecialistisdesirable:untilthishas beendone,itisuncertain whether they might representa particularGuhyasamajacommentarialtradition,or simplyreflectamoreidiosyncraticinterpretation,whichmighteitherhavecomefromthe"tantriccircles whichDaltonandvanSchaiksuggest(2006:p. 185)producedfurtherGuhyasamajarelatedmaterialsfound in the Dunhuangcache,10or have derived from earlier Tibetan scholarship.In thisstudy, we make noattempt to pre-judge thefindingsof Guhyasamajascholars on the main text and itsannotations:wesimplyconsiderthecontentfromChapters13and14whichhastextualparallelsor similarityofthemewiththephur pariteswehaveconsideredabove.MartinBoord(2002:26-54)has alreadydrawnattention to passagesfromSanskritGuhyasamajasourcesrelatingto phur pa rituals;the main pointhereisthatthisDunhuangTibetanversionismostlikelycontemporaneouswithourothermaterials, and may give usfurther hintsabout aspectsof it.11Descriptionof theManuscriptOnefeaturewhichisabundantlyclearistheprofessionalismof themanuscript'sproduction.Attherisk ofstatingtheobvious,themanuscriptsuggestsaninstitutionalproduction,involvingpreparationofthe sheets - carefullycut pages,evenlyspaced ruledlinesand margins -anda highstandardandconsistencyof writingstyle.Thefoliosof thickpapersheetsarelonginwidth,measuringapproximately46.7cmacross,by8.9cm height,and theyaregenerally very well preserved,with a littlediscoloration,butfew holesor degradationof the paper.12 The edgesof mostsheetsappear to have been cut fairlystraight and thereis very littlefraying in evidence.Thesheetseachhavetwostringholes.Therearefiveruledinklinesoneachside,seemingly preciselymeasuredtogiveevenspaces,withalittlemorespaceallowedtothetopandbottomof thepage. Theselinesrunfromedgetoedge,runningacrosstheleft and right margins.Theyseem tohavebeen made with a very fine pen,in a slightly lighter colour than the writing.The marginsare ruled to the right and left -theyarestraight,butoftennotexactlyvertical,andthedistancefromtheedgeof thepageisvariable,so presumably,hasnotbeenexactlymeasured.Theleftrectomargingivesthefolionumber;novolumeor collectionisindicated.Themainwritingiskeptwithintheruledwritingarea(apartfromoccasional shads which run over), but theinterlinear notesfrequently run into the margins,especially on the right.(Roerich:204-5)attributesanearliertranslationtoSmrtijnanakTrti,whoalongwithhisnearcontemporaryRinchenbzangpo, traditionallymarksthewatershedbetweenOldandNewtranslationperiods.Later,theBlueAnnals(Roerich:358-9)further mentionsthe contribution of the translator ICe bkra shisin translating theGuhyasamajaduring the Early Propagation period.9 NowthatexcellentdigitalimagesareavailableontheInternationalDunhuangProjectsite(http://idp.bl.uk/),international scholarship has nosuchimpediments,although it remainstrue that consultation of theoriginalmanuscript oftenclarifiesreadings which may still be uncertain on good quality images.10 Anyfuturestudy of theDunhuangGuhyasamajawillneedtoaddressthesematerialstoo.In particular, thetexts representedbyIOLTibJ419andPT42containdiscussionandcitationofGuhyasamajapassages,apparently closelyrelatedtothisGuhyasamaja manuscript(Daltonand vanSchaik2006:156,159,160).Moreover,Daltonand vanSchaiksuggest (185)that the interlinearnotesmayhavebeenwrittenbythesamehandasthoseofIOLTibJ438.Theyalsodrawattentiontoanother incompleteDunhuangGuhyasamajamanuscript,PT5.ThishasnowbeenexaminedbyCarmenMeinert,whoreportsthatit covers129lines,whichseemtorepresentthesametransmissionasIOLTibJ 438,andperhapswerecopiedfromit,sharingthe samespelling errors(personalcommunication6/04/08).11 Forinstance,wenotedabove(Ch.5,p.84-85;seealsobelowCh.9,p. 174-175)thattheinterlinear notestotheDunhuangGuhyasamaja identify the"gha gha ghataya..."mantra which wefind in many of our Phur pa sources,asthat of rDo rje sder mo.12 Thesinglefolio which has been catalogued asIOLTib J 481-apparently folio2 -is an exception,having presumably been kept atthetopof themanuscriptatsomestage.Thepaperisratherdamaged;ithasbeentorn- andrepaired,presumablybythe modem library Conservation Department -it is missingits right and left edges,and much of theink has been badly smudged.Sections of IOLTib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja with commentary 169The main text is written in a carefully executed dbucanstyle,with frequent (but not invariable) useof the reversedgiguandattached ya(eg.inmyi).Thewritingisfairlyconsistentacrossthepages,althoughin somepartsitisrathersmaller,possiblywrittenwithaslightlyfinerpen(unlesstheinkflowwas inconsistent).Theannotationsarewrittensmallinamorecursivescript,withlessfullformationof letters, rathersimilar totheinterlinear notesfoundinotherDunhuangmanuscriptssuchasIOLTibJ331.Afiner penappearstohavebeenusedforthem.ThesametechniquewefoundinIOLTibJ331isused(see examplesnotedabovethroughoutChapter6,p.90,92-93,95-96,98,105,108),of indicatingwithasmall cross that a notecontinueson thefollowing line.Therearenotelaborateornamentationsorembellishments,butbreaksinthecontentareindicatedbythe useof redink shadsaccompanying black shads,sometimesalso with a redink dot between the shads,and in thecaseof chapterendings,redcirclesenclosingtwoverticallyarrangedblackcirclespositionedbetween the shads.BeforethefinalcolophonafterChapter17,a redinkflower design(asmallcirclesurrounded by four petals)isgiven beween the shads,and a similar design isalso given after someof theother chapters(eg. Chapter14,55og ma r.2).Itisworthmentioningthat theideaof thesamayaof liberating/killing,sofamiliarfrom transmittedPhur pasources(seeabove,p. 18),is broachedinChapter9.Here,a meditationon Vajra Aksobhya,with vajrain hand,pulverisingthebuddhasof thethreetimes(aninterlinearcommentaddingthatprimordialwisdom bringsrealisationof theempty natureof their actually manifestingvisualisedforms),isfollowed bythefour line verse:The vajrasecret,like this,killsallsentient beings,(so they)are bom in Aksobhya'sbuddhafield, assonsof theconquerors.Thisisverilythesamayaof thehatredfamily.13 Aninterlinearnotemoreover stresses that the practicedoes not involveactual hatred, but rather,meditation on theempty natureof sentient beings,14 aremarkreminiscentof theclassicPhurpaversefoundthroughoutthetradition(seeabove,p. 18 note11).SelectionsfromChapter13(Manuscript folios36v.4^18r.3)Chapter13makesreferenceto wrathful tantricactivity,and thetransformationof hatred,in termssimilar to the phur pa ritesgiven in this book and in the later tradition:(38r.l) /khro bodam tshlg yeshes kyls/ /ranggi rdo rje dkyll fkhor du/Through the wrathfulone'ssamaya primordial wisdom,in one's/hisown vajra mandala,(small writing below:)khro bo'i phyag rgya chen por gnasla rang gisnying podrag du brjod cing dela goms par byed pa de ni khro bo' bzlas pa'o// abiding in the mahamudra of the wrathfulone,loudly reciting one's/hisownessence[mantra],familiarising[oneself]with this,is the wrathfulone's recitation./sngags kyl yl ge'isgra grags pa/ /'dl ni khro bo'i bzlas pa yin//thesoundsof the mantra syllablesare proclaimed.Thisis the wrathful one's recitation.The delusion recitation is then followed by the desire recitation.Then:(38r.3)/zhesdangrdorje15 lasbyungsems//lusngagsemslagnaspa'I//semscanzhesdanggnasla gzhag/ /de ni zhesdang bzlas pa (line 4) yin/13 /rdorjegsangba'dllta bus//semscanthamscad bsad nani/ /myIbskyodsangsrgyaszhlngdagdu//rgyalba'Israsmamsskye bar 'gyur//// /'dl nizhesdanggirigskyldam tshigdekhona'o/(22v.l-2)Thanks toCarmen Meinertfor drawing ourattention tothis verse.14 'dilta bu thabskyls'grubpar '[gy?]ur kyidngosu zhessdanggisbya ba nima yin no/delta bu'idmylgs passemscan rang bzhin kyisstong par shesnashar phyogskyl sangs rgyaskyi rigsu 'gyur roll (22v. 1)15 rdo rje:written beneath theline, positioned by a crossabove the line.170 ScripturalTextsThe mindarisenfrom thehatred vajra,settlessentient beingsabidinginordinary body,speechand mind, in theabode of hatred.Thisis the hatred recitation.Again,after commentson desire and delusion,the text continues:(38v.l)/khrobozhesdanggnaslasskyes/ /gsodla rtagdu brtson badag/ /grub pa mchogglchoscanla/ /gsod paI don gylsgrub par gyurIII /Thewrathfuloneisbornfromtheabodeofhatred.Continuallystrivingtokill,[onewill]reach accomplishmentthroughtheultimatemeaningofkilling,[focusing]onthephenomenaofsupreme accomplishment.A section on the first three typesof ritualisfollowed by discussion of thefourth:(39r.4) rdo rje khro bo mngon spyod la/The vajra wrathful one,[is responsible]for the destructive ritual;(small writing below:) rdo rje rigsdrag po the vajra family,destructive(rites)/dlnlsngagsrnamsthamscadkyl//(line5)gsangbasku sprul ba ste/ /spyad paI rol mos mtshan pao/ thesecretofallthesemantras,[is]arisenfromthethree characterised by the musicof activities.(small writing below:)sku gsung thugs kyi bdag nyid mnyam ba nyld la sems can gyidon du kun rdzobdu thabssna tshogs kyis rol pa'I phyir sprul//In theessentialsamenessof theidentity of buddha body,speech and mind,[they]emanate todisplay various relative methodsfor the benefit of sentient beings.The next section reviews theobjectsof destructive ritesin classic terms used inthe Phur pa literature:/machags pa'Isemscandang/ /rdorjeslobdponsmod padang/ /gdug pa'Isemscan gzhan rnamsla'ang//rab tu bskul (39v.l) ba 'dl bya'oIII /Sentientbeingswholackdesire,whoabusethevajramaster,andotherevilsentientbeings,[are]those [who]should beinvoked.(small writing below, with the notefinishing at the topof 39v:)dela dragpa'Iyulgangzhena byangchubkylsemsla machagspa'Isemsla machagspa/rdorjeslobdponlasnylng'drlng pa danggnod par byedla gdugsemscan mtshamsmyed pa byed pa/sdlg chen po byed pa'dldagla thabskyisdedagdang(39v.l) dbral zhlng de'i don bya'o//Here,whoaretheobjectsforthedestructive[rites]?[Thosewho]havenodesireforthemindwhichiswithoutdesire,within bodhicitta;[thosewhohave]deceptive6 heartsandcauseharmtothevajramaster,and[who]performtheactionsof immediate retribution;onthosewhoperform[such]greatsin,throughskill-in-means,theyshouldbetheobjectswhicharethefieldsforliberating! separating.17The comment on the next lines makes thesoteriological implicationsof the destructive ritualclear:16 'drlng pa='dridpa?(if thiscommenthadbeencopiedfromandbucansource,avisualconfusionbetweenngaanddaisa possibility).17 Thetermhereisactually dbral -probably bsgralisintended,butitis just possiblethatit actually means,dbral,separationfrom allies,a ritual procedure which preceedsthe actual act of liberating/killing.gsumlasbyungba//sngagsrnamskungyi kayas.Allthesemantrasemanateforth,Sections of IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja withcommentary 171(39v.l) // /khamsgsum gnas paIsemscan mams/ /sangsrgyasskur nl mam par bsgom/ /dgra mamsgsad pa byas nassu/ /de naslas(line 2) mams rab du bsgrub/Sentient beingsabiding[in]thethreeworlds,aremeditatedonastheformandthebodiesof thebuddha. Killing the hostileforces, the ritual activitiesare then fully accomplished.(small writing below:)semscan jl snyed pa kunsangsrgyaskyidngospor bsamsla/denasdedagkunstongparbsamsnartogpakunmyedpasrtog pa'Idgramyed par byaste[...]'gostong pala pyagrgyachenpor bsgrubbo/ yangnasemscankunsangsrgyaskyidngospor dmyigsla/ de dag kun mtshoncha (line 2)can du gyur nasgcag pa'Isemscan la drag po bya'o//Meditateonasmanysentient beingsasthereare,allof them,asactually,thebuddhainsubstance.Thenmeditatingonthemall asempty,beingcompletelywithoutdiscursivethoughts,obliteratethehostileforcesof discursivethought.Empty[from?]the start/[at?]source,[oneis]accomplishedasthemahamudra.Otherwise,meditatingonsentient beingsasactuallythebuddhain substance,theyarealltransformedtobecarryingweapons,and[they]shouldbeviolenttosentientbeingswhoviolate[vows etc.]...(39v.4) /sangs rgyas yeshes rdo rjecan/ /slar spro ba ni rab du bya/The buddhasendowed with primordial wisdom vajra[s],again emanateeverywhere./khrobaskhrugpaIkhrobornams//mylsdugjigssurungbaIgzugs//mtshoncasnatshogs'dzlnpa/ /gsad paIdon rnamsba shlg(line5)sems/ /gdug pa rnamsnlgsod padang/ /rdorjesemsdpa''anggsod pa bsgom/Wrathful,(they have) bodiesof aggressive wrathfulone[s],ugly and terrifying,carrying variousweapons. Killing the evil ones with mindssolely intent on killing,meditate that[they would]even kill Vajrasattva.(small writing below:)sprospadekunkhrobosna tshogspyag rgyadangchaspashedag18byungnasgdug pacanthamschadgzhllzhinggdugsems de la gdug par byed dede dagl mthusnl rdo rje sems pa nyld kyang gzhll rus na[lta?]clsmos//Alltheseemanationshavevariousmudras,simplyhavingarisen,[they]expelallevilbeingsanddoeviltothoseof evilminds. Through the inherent power of this,even Vajrasattva himself [would be]expelled;...what need tospeak of [others]?/sangs rgyassku gsum dam tshlg gl/ /rdo rje gsum gyl dkyll 'khor gnas/ /nyl ma bdun du dl byas na/Of [or through?]thesamaya of the threefold buddha body,abiding[in?]the mandala of the three vajras,if [one]performs thisfor seven days,(small writing below:)bs[d(/g)(/k)]om19ba de 'dra ba zhag bdun byas na drag po bya ba de grub par 'gyur//Performing this meditation in this way for seven days,destructive activities will bring accomplishment./sangs rgyas dngos grubster par gyur/ thesiddhi[of]buddha[hood]will be bestowed (small writing below:) bsams pa bzhin nusthe ability isin accordance with the aspirationOn the next folio, therearecommentsaboutself-identityasthe deity and enjoining theobjectsof the rites to keep to thesamaya and avoid theimpact of the tantric powersof destruction.(40r.4) /bdag nl dpal ldan rdo rjedzln/Iam theGlorious Vajradhara,18 Martin(2005) notes(citing Katsumi Mimaki1990and1992) that she dag can befor sha stag.19 in thiscontext, bsgom seemsmost appropriate and is probably intended172 Scriptural Texts(small writing below:)'dl ni rang bzhin canthis[means]endowed with natural[buddha]qualities./bkaIkhor lo rabsbyor ba/ /gal tedam tshlglas'da'sna/ /rdorjerabdu'bar ba yls/ /skugsunglas byung 'ga's par bgyl/thewheelof BuddhaWord[is]fullyengagedin;butif thesamayaistransgressed,thereallyblazing vajra,arisen from buddha body and speech, willshatter[you]!(small writing below:)semscangyidonbgyidpa[lags?][rkyis(/skyes)]bdagibsambardzogspadang/bdaglabs[t(/d)]ang['(/zh)]Ingsrogsmdzod [cho]g/ de ma bstangs na dga's par bgyi'o/ dga's kyang yang dag par 'jlgo zhes bskulna rung ngo//Performingthebenefitofsentientbeingswell,thewishesoflaymenarefulfilledand[in]benefiting[your]self,[you]can make/createlife(srogs?=srogorphrogs?).If[you]donotcreate[such]benefit,[you]willbeshattered.Aswellasbeing shattered,[you]will be completely destroyed.It isappropriate to enjoin[them],saying this.The point is reiterated a few lineson,in termsfamiliar in the Phur pa literature:(40v.l) /dusgsum las'byungsemscan dang/ /gdugsemscan gyi dgra bo mams/Arising throughout the three times,sentient beingsand hostileforces of evil minds;(small writing below:)gangsemscangdugpacandedagnideltargyimngonbanyitsemayingyi'daspadangma'ongspakunkyanggzhilbar mdzaddo//Whatever evilsentient beingsthereare,destructiveriteslikethiswillact toexpelevenallthose[wholivefor]unlimited periods of time,[throughout]the past and thefuture.(line 2) yeshes rdo rje'i dkyll 'khor 'dir/ /khros nas thamscad gsad par bsgom/in this primordial wisdom vajra mandala,meditate that wrathfulnesswill kill them all."(small writing below:)dkyil'khor 'di na dgug pa'am yang na 'dlltar gnas pa'i thabsdesdedag gzhil bar byed pa'o/Either with the method of summoning[them]into this mandala or[of them]similarly remaining,they will beexpelled.It ison the next folio that the useof a phur bu isexpounded upon:(41r.5)///dgra'I'khor kyldam tshlg ni/ /bsamgtan rabdu brtag pa'dl/ /sangsrgyasdaggis'da'sna yang/ /'ga's par 'gyur ba gdon myl za/Thesamaya of the wheelof hostileforces,[is that]even if buddhas were to transgress[against]this really scrutinizing contemplation,[they would]beshattered;thereis no doubt./hum las phur bur bsam ba ni/ /rtseInga pa'I tshad du ste/ /rdo rje'e20phur bu de yls ni/ /Themeditationonthe phurbu[arising]fromhum:measuringasmuchasafive-spoked[vajra?],this[is the]rDo rje Phur bu;(small writing below,continuing on to 41v:)rdo rje rtseInga pa'i tshad tsamgyiphur bula hunggiskhro bor bskyed nas/ khro bo[des?][bcas?]kyldpunggisnying kar btab par bsgom ba'o/ gzugs(41 v. 1) bmyan byas pa la btab na de dag skrag cing/ rmongs[pa gong?]nasdedag las rgyal par 'gyur ro// A phurbuthesizeof afive-spokedvajraisgeneratedasawrathfulonewithhung.Then[one]meditatesonthiswrathfulone stabbingtheheart[s]of ahostof (..?)If [one]stabsanimagewhichhasbeenmade[torepresentthem],theybecometerrified. [Previously?]becoming confused,they will be vanquished[or:they will faint].20 'a subscribed;probably,rdorje'i isintended.Sectionsof IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja with commentary 173(41v.l)snylngkarbtabparrabbsgomsna//khrospassangsrgyasdpungdagkyang//jigpar'gyurba gdon myl zaIII /if [one]meditatesonstabbingwith[it]rightintotheheart,through[this]wrathful[activity],evenarmies of buddhas,[would] bedestroyed; have no doubt!Meditationsonovercomingillnessesfollow,butwereturntothethemeof the phurbufurtherdownthe page,nowgiving theassociation between VajraAmrtaand thePhur budeity,whichwefindinPT349(see Ch.8,p. 145above):(41v.4)/rdorjebdudrtsirgyalpoche//rdorjephurburabtubsgom//myestaga21 barba'drabayls/ /phyogs(line 5) bcuI dkyll khor gdab par byaIIIIThegreatking,VajraAmrta,ismeditatedonasrDorjePhurbu.[He]blazeslikeasparkof fire,and should strike the mandalasof the ten directions.(small writing below:)lha klu 'am mylla stsogs pa sdig byed pa gnod par byed pa la/ a mrita 'am badzraling ga gcigi phyag rgyar gnasla pur bula de'I snying pola btabnaskhrobonyiddu byinkyis(line5)brlabsnaslha kludedaggibdagpogzugs bmyan byasla btabna'khor kun kyang zhl par 'gyur//To those who performeviland create harm,whether gods,nagasor people,[with?]a phur bu,abidingin themudra of one Amrta or Vajralinga,22 stabtheirhearts,andconsecrating[the phurbu\asthewrathfulonehimself,if [you]stabaconstructedimage [of]the master of thesegodsand nagas,[their]entire circle will also be pacified.Onthefollowingfolio,furtherdestructivemeditationsagainfocusondestroyinghostileforces"in similar vein tothePhur pa tradition,andinvolveanimalemanations(possibly versionsof theanimal-headed attendantsof theten wrathfuldeities,givenin Phur paandother tantricsources,such astheThabskyi zhags pacommentary IOL Tib J 321,Chapters12-13):(42v.3)//nammkhaIrdorjesprinpodang//khrobodragclnggtumpodang//wadangbyarogsna tshogsdang/ /bya rgod khyl yis(line 4) gang bar bsgom/Meditateonthesky,filledwith vajracloud[s],wrathfulone[s],destructiveandfierce,foxes,ravensetc., birdsof prey and dogs.(small writing below:)dragpobyanakhrobo'iphyagrgyargna[s(/m)]laluslaskyang'didagbyung'khoryang'diltabusganasmye'idkyil'khor gsumgylsteng na gnasshing shin du 'bar bar bsgoms nas/If destructive[rites]areperformed,theyarisealsofromthe body,abidingin themudraof thewrathfulone,andsimilarly[from] the retinue too,abiding above the three fiery mandalas,and really blazing.Meditate on this.(42v.4) /mye yl dkyllkhor la gnas te/ /bar ba bzhln du rtag par bsgom/ /sangs rgyas kun la gnod byed pa/ /bsams nas nas malbyor sbyar bar bya/Meditateon[them]abidinginthefierymandala,likewiseconstantlyblazing.Havingimaginedthose who harm all the buddhas,the yoga should beengaged in./mtshon cha sna tshogs thogs pa yls/Carrying various weapons,(small writing below:)khro bo danggrin[tsh(/p)]osni mtshon gyis 'debs/ wrathfulonesand[swords?],23 striking with weapons21 stag intended?22 here,lihga perhapsindicates the phur buas a symbol;it does not seem toindicate the effigy.23 very uncertain:if grinisfor gri witha followingtsheg.174 ScripturalTexts/rgyu ma rkang dang khrag las(line5)stsogs/ /thamscad 'drangs par rnam par bsgom/ with which theintestines, marrow and blood etc.are dragged out.24 Meditate on this.(small writing below:)[b(/p)]yolsong dedag gis ni 'thog cing sha krag (line5)'byung par 'gyur//the animal[emanations]tear up and make them into the elementsof flesh and blood./de ltar bsgoms na dgra rnamschi/Meditating thus, hostileforcesare killed.SelectionsfromChapter14(Manuscript folios 48r.3)Chapter14containstherDorjesdermomantra,connectedasinourother sources withtheritualofstrikingwitha phurbu,althoughinthiscase,theritefollowsthemantraratherthan culminating withthemantra.Then,thetextgivesthebody,speechandmindmantraswhichareusedin phur paconsecration rites.TheritualdescriptioncontainsthesespecificparallelmantrasfoundinIOLTibJ331.Illandvarious othersources(seeaboveCh.5,p.81-83),andalthoughwithdifferentwording,thereisaninteresting descriptionof theritualof strikingwitha phur pa.Itisnoteworthythatonfolio54v(line3),anannotation specifiestheparticularplacesof thebodywhichshouldbestruck.Thesedonotquitecorrespondtothose outlined in IOLTib J 331.Ill(8r), but the principleof nailingdown oneor more phur busintodifferent parts of aneffigyfollowing the main riteof stabbing the heart(anaspectof theritewhich remainscentral to phur pa rites)25 isclearly indicated by both examples.(54r.3)//denasbcomldandasdebzhlngshegs(line4)pathamscadkylskudang/gsungdang/thugs nges par chlng ba rdo rje zhes bya baI ting ngedzln la snyoms par zhugs nas/ThentheVictoriousOneenteredintoequanimityinasamadhicalled,VajraTrulyBindingthebody, speech,and mind of all tathagatas.(small writing below:)sku gsung thugsgcigsu gyur pa dbyer myed pa la bya/cause buddha body,speech and mind to become one,inseparablerdo rje khamsgsum pa thamscad kylsku dang/ gsung dang/ thugsgnon pa zhes bya baIsngags'di/The mantra called,Suppressing the(buddha) body,speech and mind of all the three vajra realms,(small writing below:)khamsgsum gylsemscan kun rdo rje sems pa'I rang bzhin pas rdo rje/since allsentient beingsof the three realms[have]the naturalquality of Vajrasattva,"vajra"nyld kylsku dang/ gsung dang/ (line5) thugs rdo rje las phyung ngo// / is emitted from (his)own body,speech and mind vajra.(small writing below:) rdo rjesder mo'osngags [this]mantra is Vajra Claw//omghaghagha tagha tayasa rbadushta na phat/ klla ya klla yasa rba pa pan phat phat//hum hum badzra 'klla ya badzra dha ro/ ad nya pa ya tl ka ya bag tsld26ta ba dzra klla ya hum hum phat phat/24 assuming that 'drangsisfor drangs.25 Inmanyritualcontextsonestrikesthefiveplacesof theneckandthefourlimbs(atthetopsof thearms,andthethighs).The 'Bumnag (Boord:231^1)givesgreat detailon variouslists(eg.of ten,four or six places).The"Secondary Ritual"(smad las)of thebDud'jomsgNamIcagsspugrialsosuppliesconsiderabledetailof howtoperformthevanquishingof thebasiswhich supportslatenttendencies{bag chagskyirten gzhibcom pa,VolumeTha 471-476),outlininga numberof setsof bodypartsto strike.26 da inserted below line, with attention drawn toit by a crossabove the line.Sectionsof IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja with commentary 175om gha gha ghataya ghatayasarvadustan phat/ kilaya kilayasarvapapan phat phat/ hum hum vajrakila va- jradhara/ ajnapayati kayavakcittavajra kilaya hum hum phat phat//dlnigsungsma thagduyang/27 /(54v.l)rdorjerdzu'phrulchenpokun//brgyalzhlngrabtu'jigspar 'gyur/Even assoon as thisisspoken,all thegreat vajra miraculous manifestations,faint and become terrified.(small writing below:)'phags pa rdzu 'prulcan kunallendowed with the Nobleones[']miraculous manifestations,/nam mkha' rdo rjesems dran 'gyur/ /[They]come to recollect theSky[-like]Vajra mind.(small writing below:)'phags pa kun dran recollect all the NobleOnes/myl'i rus pa'I phur bu'am/ a phur buof human bone or,(small writing below:)sngagsgong mas'dldag la btab nashaving done those previous mantras/yang naseng ldeng rtse lasskyes/alternatively,created from an acacia wood blade/point[ed twig?],(small writing below:)rtse mo bzang polas byamake[it]from a good blade/point/lcagslas byas pa'I phur bu dag/ /rdo rjesku gsum 'jig par (line 2) byed/[and] phur bus madefrom iron destroy the triple vajra body.(small writing below:)'phags pa la yang nus na gzhan ltaif even effective on Nobleone[s],solikewisefor others./'od 'phro'khrug clng mdangs bzangs po'i/ /rdo rjesems dpar mnyam bzhag la/Meditatively resting as Vajrasattva with an excellent glowing appearance,light radiating and pulsating; /rdo rje gsum gylsku'I mthar/ /gzer bar bsams nassbyar bar bya/Meditatingon boringinto theextremitiesof the triple vajra body,[you]should affix[it].(small writing below:)'phags pa man cad ces bya ba lta bulikewise[those]called,lower[than] Noble one[s]/mam par snang mdzad rgya chen nam/Vairocana'sgreat mudra[s]or(small writing below:)las byed pa'ilha ni'didag stetheseare the deities who perform the ritual27 final ngasubscribed176 ScripturalTexts/yang na dod chags rdo rje can/alternatively,[theone]endowed with the desire vajra,(small writing below:) tshe dpag myed Amitayus/gshln (line3) rje gshed kyl rgya chen dag/[or]Yamantaka'sgreat mudra[s].(small writing below:)dngosactual/real/bsams na rdo rje gsum yang gnon//If [they]are meditated on,even the three vajras will beovercome.rdo rje bdud rtsl khyll pa yls/Vajra Amrtakundalin(small writing below:)'dlskyang by a na bzangalso,if performed with him, it is good/gdug clng khro ba tshar gcad pa/ isannihilating evil and wrath.(small writing below:)phur bu btab pa'ignas nisnying ka ste[lte]28ba gsang gnas rkang pa'ilong bu'i nanglogs g.yas g.yon gnyisgathe placesfor striking the phur bu:the heart, the navel, the private parts, both the right and left inside ankle bones of thelegs/rdorjesbyor basbya ba ni/ /sangsrgyasbdagnyldchenpoyang//snyingkhanasnirkang(line 4)pa'i mthar/ /rdo rje phur bu mam par bsgom/For the vajra application, meditateon the Buddha,thegreat Lord,evenfrom the heart down to thefoot,in the form of [the]rDo rje Phur bu./gong du 'ang dam tshlg de nyld bya/Yet above, his verysamaya[form]should becreated.(small writing below:)gong du phur bu'I chog bshad pa dag kyang gdab pa'i gnas'didangsbyarabove, the explanationsof the phur bu ritualare also applied to the placesfor striking/phur bu rnam par 'phrul pa 'di/ /bsam gtan rdo rjesbyor ba yls/Thisemanation in the Phur bu form,[is] joined with the contemplation vajra,so (small writing below:)'diltar byed pa yangdngosgrub thobssemslassu rung bas bya 'o/performing it in this way,siddhi[s]areobtained,the mind should become entirely fit./sangs rgyas dag kyang nges par 'debs/even if [the objects were]buddhas,[they would]certainly bestruck!28 asyllable,probablylte,isinsertedbeneath,small,andpartlyobscuredbythenarobelow.Itseemsmostlikelytohavebeen intended asa correction toste written in the line.Sections of IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja with commentary 177/rdo rjesems dpargyal po che/If Vajrasattva,the great king,(small writing below rgyal po che:) la dor bar zad completely casting out/phur bus(line 5) btab na myur du 'chi/ //I29shouldstrike with the phur bu,death will beswift.// /de nas bcom ldan 'da's rnam par snang mdzad chen posku mam par spml pa'I rdo rje zhes bya ba'I ting nge 'dzln la snyoms par zhugs nas/ThentheVictoriousOneenteredintoequanimityinasamadhicalled,GreatVairocana['s]Body Emanation,andsku'I dam tshlg tsham ngam gylsgnon pa zhes bya ba'Isngags'di/ this mantra,called,Suppressing with the FrightfulBodySamaya,nyld kylsku dang30/ (55r.l) /gsung dang/31thugs rdo rje las phyung ngo/// wasemitted from his body,speech and mind vajras.//om tshin da tshln da/[da(/nga?)]***32ha na ha na dlb btatsa kra hum phat/ /Om chinda chinda (da ha da ha?) hana hana dlptacakra hum phat/phan tsun bkrl ba'I tshuldu byas/ /mthe bognyls nl rab du bsdam/ /rnam par snang mdzad tshul gnas te/ Intertwining[thehands]together,completelyfixingtogetherthetwothumbs,abidinginthemannerof Vairocana,(small writing below:)[tha?]l33 mobsdamstesormomamskyigyenbzhormkhyudlamthebogshibstebsdamde'inangduphurbubzunglabtab/ 'dl'i phyag rgya byafixngtogether thepalmsof thehands,connecting[and]enfolding34 the uprightfingers,holdthe phur bupositionedbetweenthe joined thumbs,and strike.(Below rnam par snang mdzad:)Do this/his mudra./rdo rje'i phur (line 2) bu btab na nl/ in the rDo rje Phur bu striking,/btab ma thag du semsdpa'che/assoon as[the object]isstruck, thegreat being,/rdo rjesku gsum las byung ba/ arisen from the triple vajra body,29 a red coloured dot follows this shad, marking the break30 final nga issubscribed31 thisshad may bealater insertion;thereisnogapfollowingit,anditisexecutedina thickerstrokeof aslightlydifferentcolour inkthan therest of the writing(the writingisinadark blue-blackcolouredink but this shad appearsto bea rather moredefinite shade of black).32 lacunawithnoletters,forthespaceof approximatelythreesyllables.Assumingthereisaspoonerism(oralternativeordering) here,wewouldexpect"da hada ha"tobeinthisplace(seethemTshamsbrag NGBedition,VolumeTsha p.862.6,andCh.5, p.81note39,Ch.6, p. 106and Ch.7 p. 143).33 tha isincompletely formed,but seemsmost likely to beintended in this context34 mkhyud = 'khyud?178 Scriptural Texts/dam tshlg mchog glsldang bar gyur/ will rise updue to thesupremesamaya,(small writing below:)phur bu tshur btabszhig yod na 'dl btab pas tharif there isan inward striking[with]the phur bu, bystriking,[one]isliberated/yang na chi baI gnassu gyur/// /35or otherwise,is transformed in death.(small writing below:)gzhan la btab na yangde bzhin 'grub/also,if striking another, thesame isaccomplishedTheabovecommentmaynotseemespeciallypertinentinthespecificcontextof asingleritualthrough which the being is transferred toa higher stateand liberated.However,it is worth noting that it appears to be alluding to thedistinction between performing the rite toliberateoneself and toliberateothers,whichoccurs elsewherein theDunhuangcorpus(inIOLTibJ 436;seeabove,Ch.l,p.7),aswellasbecomingestablished in the later Phur pa commentarial tradition (Kongsprul:94.6).//36de nas bcom ldandasjig rtengyldbang phyuggsung(line3)rnam parsprul pa rdorjezhesbya ba'I ting ngedzin la snyoms par zhugs nas/ThentheVictoriousOneenteredintoequanimityinasamadhicalled,UniversalLord['s]Speech Emanation Vajra,and(small writing below gyl dbang phyug:)tshe dpag myedAmitayusgsung gl dam tshlg gnon paI zhes bya baIsngagsdi/ this mantra,called,TheSuppressingSpeech Samaya,nyld kylsku dang/37gsung dang/ thugs rdo rje las phyung ngo/// wasemitted from his own body,speech and mind vajras.//hr! om bhur ba ba///(line 4) yeshes pad mo kha bye ba/ /rdo rjeisor mo nges par gzhag/Firmly place the vajra finger[sin]theopened lotus[of]primordial wisdom.(small writing below bothtshig rkang:)pyag38rgya pad mo kha bye bar beingsla tshe tshad myed du gnas nas pyag39rgya des phur bu bzung nas brdab/ fixing (thefingers)in theopen lotus mudra, restingin immeasurablelife,with this mudra,the phur buis held and strikes/'dod chags rdo rje tshul gnas te/ /rdo rjei phur bu nges par gdab/abidingin the manner of the desire vajra,40the rDo rje phur bu strikes with precision!35 a red coloured dot follows thisshad,marking the break36 thisshad consistsof a black and a red line37 itisdifficulttobecertain,butitseemsthatthisshad,togetherwiththeshadfollowing(aftergsungdang),mayhavebeen insertedlater,asintheapparentinsertionof ashadinline1.Asinthatcase,theshadiswritteninablacker,thickerpen(see noteon theinstance in line1).38 pyag:presumably, phyag intended39 pyag:presumably, phyag intended40 note these next linesare repetitive of the above,"abiding in the manner of Vairocana,"etc.Sectionsof IOL Tib J 438:A Dunhuang version of the Guhyasamaja with commentary 179/btab ma thag du rdo rje che/ /sku gsum drl myed las byung ba/Assoon as[it]strikes, the great vajra,arisen from thestainless triple body,/btab pa tsam gylsldang bar 'gyur/ / (line 5) /yang na 'chi ba'I gnassu 'gyur/// /41will rise up just through thisstriking,or otherwise,will be transformed in death.(small writing below:) gong ma dang 'dra like before// /de nas bcom ldan 'da's rdo rje'dzln chen po thugsmam par spml pa rdo rje zhes bya ba'I ting nge'dzln la snyoms par zhugs nas/ThentheVictoriousOneenteredintoequanimityinasamadhicalled,GreatVajra-Holder['s]Mind Emanation Vajra,andthugs kyl dam tshlg tsham ngam gylsgnon pa'Isngags'di/ this mantra,Suppressing with the Frightful MindSamaya,(55v. 1) nyld kylsku dang/42gsung dang/ thugs rdo rje las phyung ngo/// was emitted from[his]own body,speech and mind vajras.//om badzra ra dza hum//[rtse?]moInga par beings nas nl/Binding to thefive[vajra?]spokes,(small writing below:) phyag rgya dngos/ the actual mudra/'od 'phro mang por 'khrugs par bsgom/ meditateon much radiating light pulsating.(small writing below:)rdo rjesemsdpas'od 'phro ba khro bor bsgomsla pyag rgya des phur bu bzung nas meditating on Vajrasattva wrathfully radiatinglight,hold the phur bu with this mudra/rdo rje thugs kyl tshul gnas te/ /rdo rje phur bu btab na nl/Abiding[in]the manner of vajra mind,43 if [one]strikes with the rDo rje Phur bu,/btab pa tsam (line 2)gyls rdo rjeche/ /rdo rje dri myed gsum byung ba/ simply striking, the great vajra, the threestainless vajrasarise,44/btab ma thag du sdang bar 'gyur/ /yang na 'chi ba'Ignassu 'gyur/[and]will rise upat the moment of striking,or otherwise,will be transformed in death.41 a red coloured dot follows this shad,marking the break42 again,thisandthefollowingshad appeartobeinsertedwithaslightlydifferentcolouredinkincomparisonwiththerestof the writing.43 note these next linesare repetitive of the above verses,"in themanner of Vairocana,""in the manner of thedesire vajra,"etc.44 it is possible that wehavean omission of the word, las,so that the line would read,rdo rje dri myed gsumlasbyung (inline with the previous versesabove), which would translate as,arisen fromthethree stainlessvajras.180 ScripturalTexts/sku gsum thugs kyl 45 sbyor ba yls/ /cho ga legs par byasna nl/With theapplication of [buddha] body,speech and mind,if the ritualisdone correctly,/mkha dbylngs rdo rje'i mthas klas par// (line 3)gnon par 'gyur ba gdon myiza///in the boundlessnessof the vajra, thespatialfield of space,[theobject]will besuppressed,have nodoubt.45 thereisalittlemarkbeforethesbyor,suggestingperhapsthatthescribemayhavebegunwriting'"byor"andthenrealisedthe error immediately.10S e c t i o n so fI OLTi b J321:Th e Th a b sk y i z h a g sp ap a dm a fp h r e n gIntroductionto theTextTheDunhuangmanuscriptCommentaryontheThagspaThabskyizhagspa,istheonlyfull-length commentaryof a NGBscripturerecoveredfromDunhuang.Furthermore,itisenriched byinterlinear notes and thesenotesassociatethetextsteachingswithPadmasambhavahimself.Aversionof thiscommentarial text isfound in threeeditionsof thebsTanfgyur, but these versionsarelesscompleteand havesufferedfrom morescribalcorruptionthantheDunhuangdocument.1 Itisthereforeanextremelyvaluabletext;weare currentlyworkingonafulltextualstudyofit,buthere,weareconsideringtherelativelyshortchapters concerning phur pa rites.Thefoliosmeasureroughly31cmacross,by8cm in height;theyaremostlyconstantinsizeand thesides appeartohavebeencutfairlystraight.2 Thethicksheetsof goodqualitypapereachhavetwotinystring holes,withacirclemarkedaroundthem.Theedgesareonlyveryslightlyfrayed,thereareveryfew marks orblemishesandlittlediscolourationof thepaper.Inkwritingremainsclear,especiallyinthecaseof the maintext.Thereisverylittlesmudgingor blottingof ink.Thereisnoobviousindicationof therulingof lines,yetthewritingisgenerallypositionedstraightonthepage,andthesixlinestendtobequiteevenly spaced,suggesting that some form of guidelines might have been used.Thesmall writingfor the annotations isslightlylighter,andappearstohavebeenwrittenwithamuchfinerpen,butthehandwritingstyleis similar,quitepossiblythesamehand.Itseemsclearthatthiswasnotasinglemanuscriptbutpartofa collection,inwhichthiswasinthefirstvolumeor text;theleft-handmarginsareallmarked,"ka"andthe pagination commences with gcig.TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad mafphreng Commentaryfs treatment of the Four Ritual ActivitiesThesectionsinwhich wefinddiscussionof ritesinvolving phur pasintheThabskyi zhags paarethose devotedtothefourritualactivities(lasbzhi),whichcorrespondtotheusualsetoffour,butaregivenin reverseorderincomparisonwiththestandardsequence(ietheybeginwithdestructive,followedby subjugating,increasing,and pacifying rites).However,thisis thesameorder for the ritesasgiven in the root GuhyagarbhaTantra'sChapter20(gSangba'isnyingpodekhonanyidngespa,mTshamsbragNGB edition[M]Vol.Wa:213^).3In eachcase,we havea number of chaptersrelating to variousaspectsof eachcategory,and oneof those chaptersdescribestheappropriatetypeof phurpa,andtheeffectofstrikingwithit.However,inthe Dunhuangversion,wearemissingtwoof thechaptersrelatingtotheincreasingrites,andthisincludesthe chapteronthephur pausedfortheincreasingrites.Thereislittledoubtthatthisrepresentsascribal omissionwhichmostprobablyoccurredpriortothiscopyingofthemanuscript,sincethesubsequent chaptersare numbered in accordance with itsown sequenceand not that of thecompleteoriginal text.Thedifferenttypesof phur pasareentirelyconsistentwiththeassociationsforthefourtypesof rites foundin many earlysources,including the ubiquitousIndian homaritualsfoundinsomany Buddhist tantric texts,andthelinkageof the phur pasconcernedwiththespecificcoloursandtheshapesof thebladesis1 SeeChapter 3above, p.37.2 Insomecases,the upperandloweredgesbendalittletowardsthecomer,but thereislittleevidenceof jaggedcutting.Someof the upper and lower edgesof the later sheetsare lessstraight, however -slightly curvingin places.3 For the ritesin the rootGuhyagarbha Tantra'sChapter 20,see gSang ba'i snying po de khonanyid nges pa,mTshams brag NGB edition[M]Vol.Wa:213-4.For the more usualsequencein thecontext of Phur pa ritual,see the'Bumnag,bDud'joms bKa' ma edition:Volume Tha521.4-522.1(Boord 318).182 Scriptural TextsfoundwidelyinthelaterPhurpaliterature.4 Thus,anironorblackthornywooden phur pawithathreesidedbladeissaidtobeappropriatefordestructiverites;acopperorredwoodenphur pawithasemicircular bladeisto beusedforsubjugatingrites;andasilveror whitewooden phur pawithacircular blade isfor pacifying.5Before thechapter on the destructive phur pa, theThabs kyi zhags pa CommentarysChapter18describes destructive(ritual)activityintermsofthefierceactivitiesofthevajraanimal-headed('phra-men) (emanations),seizingandofferingtheevilspiritsasfood.ThisfitswellwiththePhurpatradition's integrationof animal-headeddeitiesintothemaindeity'sretinue.Infact,thedescriptiongiveninChapters 12and13of thistext'scentralwrathfulherukawithhisretinueof thetenwrathfulones(khrobobcu)and theiranimal-headedemanations,correspondsverycloselywithsomeversionsof thelistsof thesefigures foundinmanyPhurpatexts.Moreover,theimageryof theofferingandconsumptionof thebodiesof the evilspiritswouldseemtocorrespondtotheculminationofthetradition'sstagesofthesgrolbariteas specifiedinthesequenceof "thesixhiddenmantras"{gab pa'isngagsdrug)associatedwiththesmadlas ("subsidiaryritual")categoryofritual{Bumnag,bDud'jomsbkafmaedition:387.2,388.4-5andthe followingpages[=Boord:223ff];seealsoCantwell1989:"TheRitualwhichExpelsallNegativities",13- 15).Thesixthmantrainvolvesofferingthefoodof theircorpsetothedeities.Intheregulartshogsritual practice,the"final"or"thirdportion"offeringwhichisstabbedand"liberated"usingaphurpa,is consecratedaspartof theritualfeast,consumedbythedeitiesandpractitioners.Theaccounthereisalso infusedwithinnertantricinterpretations:theviewofemptinessisstressed,whilewrongviewsare "consumed"bytheirtruenature.Thetextcitesthekarmamale,forwhichwehaveapossibilityinthe NGB:perhaps thefamous Karmamala which isoneof theEighteen Tantrasof Mahayoga(Rig'dzin Volume Tsa).6 Chapter19developsthethemeof consumptionfurther,inthedestructivehomarite,inwhichthe offeringsof theburntbodiesof theelementalspiritsareenjoyedbythedeities,usingaphrasewhichis commonly given for enjoying thefeast in the tshogs ritual.InChapter 20,wefindreferencetotheGuhyaand Kilayabcu gnyisTantra(s).7 Here,weseemtobeon ratherfamiliarground,withthedescriptionof adestructive phur paimplementcorrespondingtoatypical phur pa used in most traditional Phur pa ritual.Madeof iron or black thorny wood,it hasa three-sided blade andaherukadeity(head?)withRalpagcigma,abovetheknot,andthemaleandfemalewrathfulones aroundthesides.Instrikingtheeffigy,alltendirections- orfactors- arethusstruck.Moreover,the primordialwisdomemptinessconsecration,mentionedinChapter18,8 isagainreferredto,withthe implementforstrikingdescribedas"asingle phur paof [thenatureof]mind".9 Infact,theoverwhelming impressionof theethosof thedescriptioninthiscommentarialtextistheconcerntoemphasisetheinner meaningof theritesandtheirsignificancein MahayogapracticeforrealisingEnlightenment.Attheendof eachofthechaptersonthefourrites,theritualdescriptionisconcludedwithaverseglossingthe soteriologicalmeanings,andtheseexplanationsareattributedtonamedtantrictexts,mostofwhich correspond to titlesin the NGB,although we have not yet identified the teachingsconcerned.Chapter26dealswithsubjugating phur parites,speakingof copperorredwood,asemi-circularblade andacircleof wrathfulonesaround the head.Theimpact of striking with it is to bringthe ten directions(or factors)underone'spower.Similarly,thesilverorwhite phur paforpacifyingissaidinChapter34to4 See,for instance,theBumnag,bDud joms bKamaedition:Volume Tha 521.4-522.1(Boord 318).5 Althoughincreasingisnotmentionedinourmanuscript,therewasoncepresumablyatleastonemanuscript whichhad the fullversionof thetext,which(fromtheGoldenbsTangyurversion,VolumeBu,andNGBwitnessesof theroottext),predictablyspecifiesa golden or yellow wooden phur pa with a four-sided blade(M:Vol.20, p. 148.7).6 See http://ngb.csac.anthropology.ac.Uk/csac/NGB/tsa/5.7 Thisdoesnot appeartobethe principalPhur pabcu gnyisscripturefoundinthe NGB,butitmay beoneof theotherswiththis title.8 stong pa nyid kyi yesheskyi byin rlabs(Ch.18:62v).9 sems kyi phur pa gcig (64v).Sections of IOL Tib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng 183pacifyevenagod.Thereisagainareferencetomeditativeconnotations,inthiscasecalled,thesamadhi phur pa,which isdescribedas,theelementalnature'sfaultlessessential pureawareness",sothat everything is pacified through[its]natural quality.10Thus,the phur pasforthefourritesintheThabskyizhags paCommentary'steachingarenotsimply concernedwiththeouterperformanceof burntofferingsritesandliberatingtroublesomebeingsthrough strikinganeffigy,butwiththetransformativepowerof theritualsymbolisminthepathtoEnlightenment. Each phur pacomestoembodyan aspect of understandingso that it can infuse theobject of the ritewith the realisationitexemplifies.Insomeways,thisisaratherdistinctiveteaching,withanevenmoredirect linkage between thesymbolism of phur paasa penetrating wisdom which bringsrealisation and phur paasa ritualimplement than wefindin theclassictraditionalteachingson thefour phur pas(seeCh.8,p. 152note 18).Inthefour phur pateaching,thereissomedistinctionbetweenthefirstthreephur paswhichare associatedwiththeprimaryritual(stodlas)of attainingEnlightenment,andthefourthmaterial phur pafor liberatingobstaclesthroughthesubsidiaryritual(smadlas).Theretoo,theritesusingthematerial phur pa dependontheprioraccomplishmentof theprimaryritual,sothatthe"liberating"maybeeffective,butin thisThabskyi zhags paCommentary'sexplanation,thefour material phur pasactuallyinthemselvesexpress theliberatingwisdom,oneofwhichcorrespondsexactlytothefirstphurpaofthetradition- pure awareness's primordial wisdom {rigpa'iye shes).Asimilarteachingisfoundinthe'Bumnag.Inthatcase,thereisnoaccompanyinginstructionsonthe actualritestobeperformed,butthesectionisintroducedwiththecommentthattheritualsof stabbingare unliketheheartlessuseofweaponsuponthebodiesofsentientbeings,butratherthat,"thephur pais consecratedasthedeityandprimordialwisdom,sobystrikingthe[object],thebodyanddefilementsare exhausted,thereisnobirthinthelowerrealms,anditbringsabouttheattainmentofEnlightenment."11Thus,aftersomelinesonthefour phur pasandatextualcitation(from the Myang'das)onthe useof thephur pa teachingfor attaining Enlightenment,thespecificlistof the phurpas for thefour ritesareelaboratedon:Pacifying the defilements through this realisation is the phur pa of pacifying;creatingan increasein buddha qualities[is]the phur paof increasing;bringing one'sown mind under control[is]the phur paof subjugation;liberating it from samsara is moreover theactual reality of the phur paof destruction.12PerhapsthemainadditionalglosswhichtheThabskyi zhags paCommentary'sapproachwouldseemto suggesthereistostressthattheliberatingactivitiesareeffectedthroughthephurpa'sownnatural enlightened qualities.SelectionfromChapter18(61v.4):13 //da ni drag po'i las bshad par bya ste //rdo rje 'phra men sbyor ba yis/ /(61v.5) yud tsam gyis ni de bkug nas//bltod14pa'i tshuldu rab bstabsna/10 chos nyid ma nor par rig pa nyid ting nge 'dzlngyi phur pa yin te/ thamscad rang bzhingyis zhi bar 'gyur (75v-76r)11 phur pa nilha dang yeshessubyingyisrlobspa yinpas/de btab paslasdangnyonmongspa zad nasngansong du miskyela/ byang chub thob par byed pa yin no/ (JbDud'joms bKa' maedition, Vol.Tha:535.2-3;Boord 2002:326).12 /deltar rtogs pas nyon mongszhi baszhi ba'i phur pa'o/ /buddha'i yon tan rgyas par byed pas rgyas pa'i phur pa/ rangsems dbang du'duspasdbanggiphur pa/de'khor balassgrolbar byed pasdrag po'i phur pa yangdenyiddo/(JbDud'jomsbKa' maedition, Vol.Tha:536.3-5;Boord 2002:327).13 herethereisakindofornamentalpunctuationmark,consistingoftwosmallverticallyarrangedcircles,markingthebreak between chapters.184 ScripturalTexts/lha yang rungste brlag par feya / gyur / zhesgsungs te //Now, toexplain destructive[ritual]activity,[the root text]says,through the application of the vajra animal-headed ( 'phra-men)[emanations],[the evilspirits]areinstantaneously summoned;when[they]have been offered asfood in a terrifying manner,15even a god would be destroyed!(61v.6)phra men ma stag mgocan la stsogs pa mgyogs pa mams mngagste//gang la bya ba yud tsam gyissnying la bzung nas/ khro bo (62r. 1)$///dang khro moi zhal du bstabs te/Dispatching theswift animal-headed[emanations],the tiger-headed etc.,16instantaneously[they]seizewhoeveristhe[rites]objectby[their]heart[s],andofferthemtothemale and female wrathfulones toeat.(small writing below:)[chu?]klonggsol bar bsgoms[na?]bskabs par 'gyur ro[rlung?]17la stsogs pa[yang (/ang/spang)]chad par bsgyur ro zhes/ thisissaid[tobe]ontheoccasionwhenmeditatingon[petitioning/consuming/offering]anexpanse[of water?];[wind?]etc.is alsoexplained[in this way.]ltod pai tshul du gsol bar bsgoms na/ /lam rgyud Inga isemscan gang yang (62r.2) mngste mod la chi bar gyur ro/When meditating on[petitioning/consuming],in[a confrontational/ terrifying?]18manner, whatsoever sentient beingsof thefive types[may beinvolved,they]will die./gzhan du na chos kyi dbyings dang/ stong pa nyid kyi yeshes Inga i byin rlabs/ rnam par grol ba'i(62r.3)skye mched bcu gcig gyis/ lam rgyud Inga isemscan dngos por lta ba ni//stong pa nyid kyi dam tshig lasgal (62r.4) bas//de dag rang bzhin gis za bar gyur zhes tan tra kar ma ma lelas bshad do/ /In other[words],with theeleven totallyliberatedsensebases,consecrated[by]thedharmadhatuandfive primordial wisdom emptinesses,since viewingsentient beingsof thefive typesassubstantial transgresses thesamayaof emptiness,[suchviewing]comestobeconsumedby[its]truenature.Thisishowitis explained in the Karma Male Tantra.14 bltod: Variantsare found for thissyllable in theother versions.The sDe dge bKa''gyur root text givesrtod,rNying rgyud section VolumeKha(=Volume98),f.307v(p.614),asdoesthesDedgerNyingma'irgyud'bum(VolumePa,f294v).TheGolden bsTan'gyur versionof thecommentary gives:stod (VolumeBu,292), whilethesGangstengand gTingskyesrNying ma'irgyud 'bum root text versions(G:Volume Wa,f61v;T VolumeDza, 415)givebstod.15 bltod:Dan Martin 2005:268, bltod nas = skrag nas,citing KatsumiMimakiworkson dBus pa biogsal.However,the text below givesltod,forwhichbTsanlhaNgagdbangtshulkhrims(1997:262)givesrtsod pa,whichmightsuggestaconfrontational manner.ThesDedgeversions(seeabovenote)wouldsuggest:usingthemethodof staking/tethering(them),andtheGolden bsTan'gyur,sGangsteng and gTingskyes rNying ma'i rgyud'bum versions would mean:while praising.16 Thelistof twenty,withthetiger-headedastheright-handemanationintheeast,aregiveninmanyPhurpatexts.See,for instance,the Phur parTsaba'idumbu(Boord2002:81)or the'Bumnag,inwhichametaphoricalassociationismadebetween vivid variegatedcolouring(bkraba)of theDharmaeyeof theeasternWrathfulOne,Vijaya,andthatof thetiger'sstripes(bDud 'jomsbKa' maedition,Vol.Tha:340.5-6;Boord2002:188).Avirtuallyidenticallist,brokenupintotwoparts,isgivenearlier in the text here:Ch.12,f.53v,and Ch.13,f.54v.17 rlung:thisisratheruncertain,butoncomparisonwithotherletters,seemsthemostlikelywordhere.Otherpossibilitiesare: h ung/ru/rung/drung.18 see note15above.Here,again,the Golden bsTan'gyur version (Volume Bu:293) would mean:praising {bstod).Sections of IOL Tib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng 185'ug pai mgocan (62r.5)la stsogs pa //'phra men ma mamssbad byas te//myig dang ma basna dang Ice//desemsphrog bsgoms nyams par gyur/ (62r.6) zhesgsungs te/[The root text]says,The owl-headed etc.,19theanimal-headed[emanations]create concealment,20meditate[that]the eye and ear, noseand tongue,[and?] the mind areappropriated,and degenerate.khyung dang khwa la stsogs pa khra thabssu btangste//gang la bya ba la bya bai dbang pobyin par bsgoms na//(62v. 1) dbang po nyams nas myig long ba dang/ rna ba on pa dang/ sna zhom ba dang/ Ice lkugs pa dang/ sems myos te glen par gyur ro//The garuda and the raven etc.,[are]sent as the Multiform-Means;21meditate that whoever is theobject,[their]active sense facultiesare removed.(62v)Thesenseshavingdegenerated,theeyesgoblind,theearsbecomedeaf,thenoseisdestroyed,the tongue becomes mute and the mind becomesmad and stupid.(62v.2) gzhan du na / stong pa nyid kyi yeshes dmg gyl byin brlabs kyis//ril por lta bai dngos po mams/yang dag pa nyid lasgal bai (62v.3) phyir//rang bzhin nyams par byed ces tan tra kar ma ma lesbyung ngo/In other[words],[in thecontext of]thesix primordial wisdom emptinessconsecration[s],sincematerialthingsseenassolidwholescontradicttheiressentialgenuinenature,[their]qualitiesaremade todegenerate.Thiscomesfrom what issaid in the Karma Male Tantra.Chapter19(63r.4-64r.5)//da ni drag po'i horn gyi las bshad de//horn khung zur gsum (63r.5) gdengs pa la//rdo rje mda'gzhu ldan byas te//thod pa dag gis mam par brgyan//spyan drangs bsregs na lha yang chi/ zhes (63r.6)gsungs te/Now, to explain the destructive homa ritual:[The root text]says,The raised up triangular homa pit, should be endowed with vajra bow and arrow,and ornamented with skulls.If invited and burnt,even a god would die!19 theowl-headed is thesecond emanation associated with thesouthern WrathfulOne, Yama(Boord 2002:82,188).20 It is possiblethat sbad byasheremight have thesenseof sendingforth;bTsanlha ngagdbangtshulkhrims(1997:608)gives forsbad pa, gtong baam skul ba'i don.However,given thecontext here,at least in the Commentary,in which the notionof material thingsbeingconsumedinemptinessisunderdiscussion,together withtheglossonthe'phramenmacalled,sBed mat sBad ma, inthemaintextofChapter13("notmovinganywhereotherthansameness,[she]isknownas,theanimal-headed Concealed/Veiled female","mnyampanyidlasgzhandumyig.yobas/'phramenmasbedmazhesbyaste"56v.2-3),it would seem that Concealed/ Concealing/ Veiling would fit better.21 Khrathabs\thabs=Skt.upaya,maleemanationsrepresentingtheenlightenedskilfulmeans.InthePhur pa tradition, this namemay be used for the"SupremeSon"material phur busaround the mandala.186 ScripturalTexts/thab khung zur gsum du byasla//grwa mda gzhu mams bkang nas/ khro bosphen bar bsgom/Make the triangular pit[for]the hearth,fill theangles/sides[with]bowsand arrowsandmeditateon wrathful onesshooting out.tha mar phur pa (63v. 1) nag po gsum btab la//lcags thag gam/ thag pa nag pos bskor te//khro bodang khro mo dang'phra men gong nas'byung ba rnamsspyan (63v.2)drangsla//tsher maIshing las myesbar nas/Finally, plant three black phur pas, encircled with iron wireor black rope.22Invitethepreviouslyarisenmaleandfemalewrathfulonesandtheanimal-headed[emanations],and ignite thefire[made]from thorny wood./tsha ba'I mar dang lan tsa dang//dug dang myi khrag ra 'i khrag//ske tse ldong roslcags phye(63v.3)la//khro bo khro mophra men gyi//gsangsngags mams ni bzlas nassu//gang la bya bai gzugsdag ni/ /(63v.4) ming ms bsregs na grub par gyur/Upon the hot butter/oil,salt,poison, human and goat blood,black mustard,realgar powder and iron filings,recite thesecret mantrasof the maleand female wrathfulonesand theanimal-headed[emanations], and the bodiesof whoever is theobject,[their]namesand family line will be burnt up./'phra men mngags te bkug nas ni//thab du bsregs na mod la 'chi/(63v.5) gsur dang bsres pa'isha mams kyis//lha rnams thamscad mchod par bya/"Dispatching theanimal-headed[emanations], havingsummoned[theobjects],[they]will immediately bum upin the hearth and die.The flesh mixed with the burnt offerings should beoffered toall the deities./rdo rje glu ni blangs nassu//'byung po'isha nishin du zhim/(63v.6)'byung po'I khrag nishin du zhim//'byung po'i rus pa zhim baste//gsol te thamscad dgyes par mdzod//a la la la ho/22 Theimplicationseemstobethattheropeoutlinestheborderaroundthehearth,attachingaroundthethreephur pas.Inthe subjugating ritual below,the ropeis termed, mtha' thag pa (69r.6).Sections of IOL Tib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng 187(64r. 1) /ha ha ha hum zhes brjod par bya fo/Singing vajra songs,theflesh of the elementalspiritsis really delicious!The blood of the elementalspiritsis really delicious!The boneof the elementalspiritsis delicious!Consuming,[the deities]areall delighted.A la la la ho!Ha ha ha hum!Thisis[what the root text]saysshould be recited, /gzhan du na/sku gsung thugs kyi yeshes kyi myes/sku gsung thugs dang myi thun bai (64r.2) phyogs bsregs pa dang/yeshes kyi byin rlabs kyis mda phangs pa ltar phro bas phogste/sku gsung thugsdang thun par gyur (64r.3) pa ni/khro bodang khro moi rang bzhin gyis mnyes pa yin zhing/de ltar go ba ni dbyangs blangshes/23rl bo brtsegs(64r.4) paI tan tra lasbyung ngo/In other[words], the primordial wisdom fireof [buddha] body,speech and mind, bums up thefactors not conducive with[buddha] body,speech and mind and the primordial wisdom consecration emanatesand strikeslikeshooting arrows.In becoming conducive with[buddha] body,speech and mind,the natural qualitiesof the maleand female wrathful ones are relished,and understanding in this way,songsaresung.Thisis taken from the Heaped up MountainTantra(Ri bobrtsegspa'i tantra).24/thabs kyi zhags pa pad ma phreng las/drag po'i horn gyi leu ste bcu (64r.5) dgu o//:25ThisisChapter19of the Lassoof Means,LotusGarland,on the destmctive homa. Chapter20(64r.5) //da ni drag poi las bshad de//lcagssam nag poishing rnamsla//mgo bo rgya mdud(64r.6) rtse zur gsum//khro bo khro mokhor bsgoms te//btab na lha yang brlag par gyur/ zhesgsungs te/Now,to explain the destmctive ritual:[The root text]says,[The phur pais made]out of iron or black wood,[with]a head,a knot[and]a three-sided blade,26meditating on maleand female wrathful ones encircling[it];if [one]strikes[with such a phur pa],even a god would be destroyed!23 TheGolden bsTan\gyur version(VolumeBu:296)givesblangs shing24 The Ri bobrtsegs pai rgyud isclassifiedasoneof the18MahayogaTantras.The modemversion'sfulltitleis:Sangsrgyaskun gyi gdongs pai bcud bsdusri bobrtsegs pai rgyud (mTshamsbragedition VolumeDza,181.2-213.3.Rig'dzin VolumeCha.) In the gTing skyesedition it is classified as within the rDzogschenmanngag spyiti skor.25 thisornamental punctuation mark is not a gter shad, but a littlesimilar in consisting of two vertically arranged circles.26 blade:literally, point.188 ScripturalTextslcagsdangshing kha dog (64v.l) nag po tsher ma can la/phur pa mgo bo rgya mdud/rtse zur gsum du bzhogs te/rgya mdud kyisteng du he ru ka dang/ral pa gcig ma/ngos(64v.2)su go rims bzhin du/khro bodang khro mo rnams bsgoms te/gang la bya bai gzugsdang/mying rus la btab na/lha yang gzer thabsdang(64v.3) rims kyi btabstechi bar gyur ro/Usingiron or black-coloured thorny wood, a phur pa[which has]a head,a knot[and] a three-sided point,is to bechiselled out.[While]meditating[on]Heruka and Ral pa gcig ma above the knot; at thesides,in theappropriateorder, the male and female wrathful ones;[then]whosoever theobject,if [one]strikes theeffigy, with[their]name[s]and family line, even a god,[with this]method (for) transfixingand successivestriking, will come to die.(small writing, below line2;it most probably applies to the above,or just possibly,to*below:)[chu?]klung la btab naskamsso ril27btab na ra myilloIf youstrike at a stream,28 it willdry up;if youstrike at a mountain,its peak (reading rwafor ra)29will topple.ri rabdang gleng gbzhlI ngosla stsogs pa la bris te btab na//phur pa (64v.4)gcig gis phyogs bcur btab par gyur ro/ /Mount Meru and thefour continents30are[to be]* drawn at thesidesetc.,[and then]if [one]strikes, with a single phur pa, the ten directions/factors31will bestruck!gzhan du na gnyissu myed paI yeshesstong pa nyid kyi byin (64v.5) rlabs khro bo dang khro mo yin la/ des ma khyab pa myed de/ sems kyi phur pa gcig btab pas/ phyogs bcur btab par gyur zhesInother[words],thenon-dualprimordialwisdomemptinessconsecration[is]themaleandfemale wrathfulonesand[so theobject]cannot fail to be permeated by this.Bystriking with[this]single phur paof [the natureof]mind, it issaid that the ten directions/factors32will bestruck.27 ril:ri la intended?28 or:an expanse of water,if klung isfor klong,as(apparently) elsewherein this text (eg.10r.3,1lr.3,84r.6).29 alternatively,if ri myil isintended,this would mean,"there will be a landslide".30 If gleng gbzhl is for gling bzhi.31 Generally,phyogsbcumeansthetendirections.However,wehaveaninstanceabove(Chapter19,64r.l-2),wherethetext explainsthatoneisburningthe phyogs,seeminglyindicating factor[s]notconducivewith[buddha]body,speechandmind.It may well be that a double meaning isintended here.32 See note above.Sections of IOL Tib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng 189(64v.6)gu hya dang ki la ya bcu gnyis kyi tan tra las'byung ngo/Thisis taken from the Secret (Guhya)andTwelve-fold KTlaya(Kilayabcu-gnyis) Tantra[s].thabs kyi zhags pa pad ma 'phreng las//drag po'i phur pa'i le'u ste(65r.l)$//nyishu 'o//ThisisChapter 20of the Lassoof Means,LotusGarland,on the destructive phur pa.Chapter 21isashortchapteron themixfor destructiverite gtor mas,whileChapter 22commentson the destructive ritual version of the ritesof union {sbyor ba).Thisis thesameas the ritual visualisation whichis usedinthePhurpatradition,generally,inthecontextof the"Union"(and)"Liberation"offerings.33 The opening,which gives the verse from the root text,sums up the practice:(65v. 1) //da nl drag por sbyor ba'I las bshad de//khro mo'i dkyil 'khor gtum cen34du//khro bo'i(65v.2) tho bas brdungs pa yi//rdo rje gtun 'phrugs bsgoms byas na//lha yang rungste brdungs par 'gyur/ zhesgsungsste/Now,to explain the destructive ritual of union:[the root text]says,"In the great ferocious35mandala of thefemale wrathful one, the male wrathfulone's hammer is beating.Having meditated on the vajra pestle vibrating,36even a god would be beaten."TheexplanationgivenintheThabskyizhags pacommentary(65v.3-5)alsofitswiththetradition:the female"mortar"embodies the pervasivedharmadhatu,while the"hammer which beatsall the worlds"is"the pureawarenesssphere".37Chapter23thendevelopsanotheraspectof this"Union"(and)"Liberation"meditationwhichalsohas someresonanceforthePhurpatraditionof liberatingtheobjectof therite.Forinstance,intheDudjom gNamleags spu gri tradition, theconsciousnessisdrawn into the phur bu,merged with thesyllable hum,and raisedtotheAkanisthaBuddhafieldwiththesyllablephat,whereitisbroughttoVajrasattvaunitingwith hisconsort,and brought birth -and liberation -asVajrasattva'sson(bDud joms gNamleags spu gribsnyen yig:VolumeDa134).In theThabskyi zhags paritual,thereisno phurbu,butwhatseemstobeasimilar ritualforclosingthedoorsofrebirthtoworldlyrealms,drawinginconsciousnessthroughhum,and projectingit into the wombsof the uniting deitiesin Akanistha with phat.The teachingissaid to derivefrom theTantra sNying rje rolpa.3S The discussion of closing the doorsof the worldly realmsequateseach of the three poisonswithoneof thethreelower realms,and thedoor torebirthisclosed byrecognisingthelackof33 See,for instance,the'Bumnag (Boord 2002:214-6)or the bDud'joms gNamleags spu gri lasbyang,Vol.Tha:118-9.34 gtumcen:theGoldenbsTan'gyur versionof thecommentary(VolumeBu:297)gives gtunchen.gTunismostlikely thecorrect readinghere.Allversionsof theroot text whichwehaveconsultedgive gtunkhung,whichisclearer(explicitlyspecifyingthe mortar rather than pestle).35 See above note:other versionsof the text would suggest the translation,mortar,here.36 'phrugs = 'khrugs?'Phrugscould meanscratch/scrape, but vibrateseems moreappropriate.37 khromolta buchoskyidbyingsnyld ni/ /'jigrtenthamscadlakhyabpa'igtunno//khrobolta bu'idbyingsrig pani//'jigrten thamscad brdungs pa'i tho ba zhes/38 Inthecatalogueof theRig'dzin NGB(Cantwell,MayerandFischer2002),thedPal snying rjerol pa'irgyud/'Jigrtenlas'das pa gsangba'imdoisTsha3,inthecategoryof MahayogaTantrasDebcobrgyad.ItisinthemTshamsbragVol.Dza.Ona preliminary browsing,wehavenot yetidentifiedaspecificpassagein thecurrent editionsof this text;however,theredoesseem somesimilaritiesin the materialsin the first few chapter,which deserve further attention.190 Scriptural Textsanyrealnatureinthepoison.Thus,birthinhellisassociatedwithviewinghatredasthoughithas substantialreality,whilerecognition that hatred hasnorealnaturepreventsthemindof hatred beingbom.39All this,whilenotspecifically relating toPhur pa ritesassuch,nonethelessinformsmuchof theethosof the Phur pa tradition,with theopeninglineof itsroot verse,vajra wrathcutsthrough hatred(rdorjekhros pa zhesdang gcod).Thereisalsoaninterestingexampleof sgrolbagiven:referenceismadetoRamaof the Indian Epic, the Ramayana, making aspiration for all thoseslain to be reborn asgods (67r.5).Chapter24(67v.l-69r.3)beginstheritesof subjugation,withinvitationandofferingstothedeities,and thesummoningof the body,speech,andanimatingqualitiesof thoseto besubdued,whoaremadeobedient. ThenChapter25(69r.3-70r.2)continueswiththesubjugatinghomaritual.Inthiscase,thesemi-circular hearthisdecoratedwithavajranoose,andfivered phur pasareplanted,witharedropeboundarymade around them (69r.5-6).40ThesubjugatingphurpariteisthenoutlinedinChapter26.Itfollowsthesamestructureasthe destmctive phur parite,with variationsinaccordancewiththesymbolismforsubjugating.Oneinteresting feature,givenin theclosing remarkselaboratingon thesoteriologicalimplicationsof therite,isthemention of the phur pa being,pureawarenesssprimordial wisdom{rig pa'i ye shes).The purely aware primordial wisdom phurbu{rig pa yesheskyi phurbu)isthefirstinthePhurpatraditionsclassificationof thefour phur buor phur pas,acategorisation whichsometimeshaslittlepresencein the NGBsroot textsbutwhich becamecentral to thecommentarial and practice traditions(seeChapter 8above, p. 150 note18).Chapter 26(70r.2) //da ni dbang gi phur pai (70r.3)las bshad de//zangssam kha dog dmar po yi//shing la rgya mdud rtsezla gam//mgola khro bo'khor (70r.4) bsgoms te / btab na nges par de dbang gyur//zhesgsungs te/Now,toexplain thesubjugating phur pa'sactivity:[The root text]says,Either[makethephur pa]outofcopperorred-colouredwood,[with]aknot[and]asemi-circular blade;41at the head, meditatingon wrathful onesencircling[it];if [one]strikes[with such a phur pa, troublesomespirits/beings]are really brought under [one's] power.zangssam kha dog dmar po'ishing (70r.5)la /phur pa mgo rgya mdud la/ rtse zla gam du bzhogs la/rgya mdud kyisteng dang ngos khro bo dang khro mo rnams bsgomste//(70r.6) gang du dbang du bya ba de'igzugssam mying rusla btabste/ bka' bzhin byed par bsgoms na / nges par dbang du 'gyur ro/Using copper or red-coloured wood, a phur pa[which has]a head,a knot and a semi-circular blade,is to bechiselled out.Above the knot and on thesides,[one]meditateson the maleand female wrathful ones and39 semscan dmyal bar ltung ba'i rgyu nizhesdang la/ /dngos po yod parlta ba yin te/ /zhesdang la rang bzhin myed par shesshing/ /zhesdang gisemsmyiskye basna/ dmyal ba'i sgo bead pa yin no/ (66v.3-4)40 horn khimg zla gam la/ rdo rje zhags pas brgyan te/ kha dog dmar po 'i phur pa Inga btabla/ mtha' thag pa dmar pos bskor te/41 blade:literally, point.Sections of IOL Tib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng 191[then], whosoever theobject to besubjugated,if [one]strikes theeffigy or [their]name[s]and family line, meditating in accordance with scripture,[they]will certainly be brought under [one's]power.(70v. 1) ri rab dang gling bzhi la stsogs pa la bris te btab na/ phur pa gcig btab pas/ phyogs bcur btab par 'gyur te/thamscad (70v.2)dbang du 'gyur ro zhes bya ba'i don to/Mount Meru and thefour continentsetc.are[to be]drawn,[and then]if [one]strikes,striking with a single phur pa, the ten directions/factors42will bestruck,andall will be brought under[one's]power.Thisis the meaningof what issaid[in the root text]./gzhan du na chos kyidbyings kyis phyogs bcu thamscad du khyab la/ de ltar rig pa'i yeshes ni(70v.3)phur pa yin te/ thamscad du btab par 'gyur zhing //bdag dang tha myidad paslas thamscad rang bzhin gis(70v.4)dbang du 'gyur ba yin no zhes/In other[words], the dharmadhatu pervadesall the ten directions/facultiesand likewise, pureawareness's primordial wisdom is the phur pa,so[it]will strike universally.Since[it]isnotseparatefromoneself,[it]bringsallactivitiesundercontrolthrough[itsown]natural qualities./phur pa bcu gnyis kyi rgyud phyi ma las'byung ngo//dbang gi phur pa bshad zin (70v.5) to/Thisis taken from theTwelve-fold Phur pa Tantra'ssubsequent[tantra]section.43Thiscompletes the explanation[of]thesubjugating phur pa./thabs kyi zhags pa pad ma 'phreng las/dbang gi phur pa bstan pa'i le'u ste nyishu drug go//ThisisChapter26of theLassoof Means,LotusGarland,ontheteaching(about)thesubjugating phur pa.ThenextshortChapter27(70v.5-71.6)isonthemixforsubjugatinggtorma{s),andthemethodof castingthemsothatsimplythesightof the gtor mabringstheobjectsof theriteundercontrol.Chapter28 discussesthepracticeof union(sbyorba)inthecontextof subjugatingrites,whileChapter29beginsthe sectiononincreasing rites,drawingon the usualimageryfor increasing,such asitemscoloured yellowand a square mandala with eightspokes.With Chapter 30 we then havetheincreasing homa ritual,and hereagain, phur pasareusedtomarkouttheareaaroundthehearth.Inthiscase,fouryellow phur pasareplanted, presumably at each of thecornersof thesquare hearth,and yellow ropeencircles them (73r.5).44After Chapter 30,twocompletechaptersfoundin thebsTan[gyur versionareomitted,and theDunhuang version'sChapter31correspondstothebsTan'gyur'sandNGBeditions'Chapter33.Thereislittledoubt that thesechaptersdid onceexist in thecommonancestor of all theeditions;thestructureof the text requires themhere,anditisvirtuallyinconceivablethatthissectionof thetextwouldhavebeenwrittenwithout them.Theonlypossiblescenarioconsistentwiththeideathatlaterversionsmighthavecomposednew42 See p. 188 note31above.43 Wehavenotyetlocatedthispassageorteachinginanyof thePhur pabcugnyis,orKflayabcugnyisscripturesfoundinthe current NGBeditions.44 horn khunggru bzhila/ rdo rje 'i 'khor los brgyan par briste/ phur pa kha dog ser po bzhi btabla/ mtha' thag paser bos bskor te/192 Scriptural Textsmateriallackingintheoriginaltoinsertherewouldbeif theearliestversionoftheThabskyizhagspa commentarywascompiledbyinsertingoldermaterialsonthefourritualactivitiesfromsomeothertantric sourcewhich hadalreadylost text,and thenthemissingtext waslater reconstructed.Thisseemsespecially unlikelyin thecaseof acommentarialtext;becausethetextembedstheroottext withinit,and theversesof theroottextsChapters31and32havebeenlostherealso.Sounlessapreviousversionof theroottext omittedthesechapterstoo,itwouldseemasafeconclusionthattheDunhuangmanuscriptcopyhasan omissionof text which waspresentinanearlierexemplarof thetext.Fortunately,sincethetextisextantin thebsTan'gyur versionand thereisa gooddealof repetitionfrom thechapterson the phur paritesand gtor masintheotherritualactivitysections,itisnotdifficulttoreconstructthistextinamannerwhichisquite likelytobeclosetotheoriginal.Chapter31on the phur paritefor increasing(GoldenbsTan\gyur version Vol.Bu,307-8)specifiestheuseof agoldenoryellowwood phur pa,andafour-sidedblade.Through strikingtheobject,abundanceandcharismaticbrilliance(dpaldanggzibrjid)areincreased.45 The soteriologicalglosssuggeststhatthroughtherite,thesambhogakayaariseswithinthedharmadhatu.Since thephurpaisthesamadhi(whichis)thearisingasthesambhogakaya,itincreasesabundanceand charismatic brilliance through itsown naturalqualities.46Thesecondomittedchapterisongtormaritesforincreasing.TheDunhuangversion'sChapter31 (73v.5-74r.5)corresponds toChapter 33in theother versions,and theenumeration of the remaining chapters continuetoruntwobehindtheothertexts.Inkeepingwiththeearlierrites,thischapterconcernsritesof union connected with increasing.Chapter 32(=Chapter34in theother versions;74r.5-75r.3) beginsthe pacifyingrites,whichemploy the predictableimageryof acircular mandala witheightspokes,and whiteofferings.Chapter33(=Chapter35 in theother versions;75r.3-75v.3)continueswith thepacifyinghomarite,referringtoeight white phur pas, presumably to be planted at theeight spokesof thecircular hearth.47Chapter34(=Chapter36in theother versions;75v.3-76r.3)onthe phur pafor pacifyingcompletesthe sequenceof teachingson the phur pasfor thefour activities.(75v.3) // da ni zhi ba'i phur pa'i las bshad de/(75v.4) phur pa kha dog dkar po la //mgo bo rgya mdud rtse zlum por //lha mams bsgoms te gdab par bya /(75v.5)'dl ni zhi ba'i lasla shis / / zhesgsungs te /Now,toexplain the pacifying phur pa'sactivity:[The root text]says,"[Using]a white-coloured phur pa,[with]a head,a knot[and]a round blade,[one]should strike while meditating on the deities.Thisisauspiciousfor pacifyingactivities."45 A reconstruction based ontheGolden bsTan'gyur (VolumeBu:307-8),supplemented(by wordsinitalics)withreference tothe chaptersin the Dunhuang version on the other ritualactivities:/gser ram ser po'ishing mamsla/ /phur pa mgobo rgya mdud/ rtse zurbzhidubzhogste/rgyamdudlalhamamsbkodde//gdabnagangla byabade'ila btabna'grubcing/dpaldanggzibrjid rgyas par 'gyur ro/46 AreconstructionbasedontheGoldenbsTan'gyur(VolumeBu:308):/gzhandunachoskyidbyingslalongsspyodrdzogspa 'byung/ /longsspyod rdzogspar 'byungbanyid//tingnge'dzin phur pa yinpas//rangbzhingyidpaldanggzibrjidrgyaspa yin no/47 hornkhungzlumpogdengspala/ /rdorje padmasbrgyanpar bya//phur padkar podrugbtabste/ /spyandrangsdngulphyela stsogs mchod (75r.4-5)Sections of IOLTib J 321:TheThabs kyi zhags pa pad ma'phreng 193dngul lam shing kha dog dkar po la/phur pa mgo bo rgya mdud rtse zlum por (75v.6) bzhogsla /rgya mdud la lha rnams bkod de /zhi bar bsgoms nas btab na/lha yang zhi bar gyur ro/Usingsilver or white-coloured wood,a phur pa[which has]a head,a knot and a round blade,is to bechiselled out.Establishing the deitiesaround the knot, if [one]strikes while meditating on pacifying, even a god will be pacified!gzhan du na chos(76r. 1) nyid ma nor par rig pa nyid ting nge 'dzln gyi phur pa yin te/ thamscad rang bzhin gyis zhi bar gyur zhes / rtse gcig (76r.2) bsdus pa lasbyung ngo /In other [words], the elemental naturesfaultlessessential pureawarenessis thesamadhi phur pa,so [it]pacifieseverything through[its]naturalquality.Thisis[what it]saysin the rise gcig bsdus pa.48/thabs kyizhags pa pad ma phreng las //zhi bai phur pai leu ste //sum cu (76r.3) bzhl pa o //ThisisChapter 34of the Lassoof Means,LotusGarland,on the pacifying phur pa.Followingthischapter,theritualactivitiessectionofthetextcompletestheremainingsectionsfor pacifyingrites,againon gtor masandonritesof union,anditthengivesateachingonsummingupallthe rites(Chapter37,equivalent toChapter39in theother versions).Thefinalchapterof thetext(Chapter39, equivalenttoChapters41and/or42intheotherversions,whichvaryintheirarrangements)containssome descriptionof wrathfuldeities(82v-83r)ratherreminiscentof thedescriptionof thedeified phur painthe consecrationssectionof IOLTibJ331.Ill,but thisinvolvessimilar vocabularyrather thanparalleltext,and itisnotrelatedtoPhurpaimagery,despitethepassageopening(82v.4-5)withaeulogywhichmentions, hundredsand thousandsof Vajrakumarasgrouprejoicing.49 Thereisnoreasontosupposethatthisname herereferstoaPhur padeity,soitwouldseemclearthatitisonlythespecificchapterson thefourritesin theThabs kyi zhags paCommentary which concern phur pa rites.48 In the current editionsof the NGB,there isnot an exact match for this title.49 rdo rje gzhu nusde 'bum phrag du ma yid rangs te/11F r a g m e n t s , C u r s o r yT r e a t m e n t ,Dh a r a n i sa n dP r a g m a t i c R i t e sIOLTib J 557: A Phur pa rite inthe context of instructions onvows for the five familiesIOLTibJ557consistsof onelargesheetof paper,41cminlengthand30cmwide,rathercreasedin parts,andwithanumberofdarkbrownstains.TherearethreecharactersofChinesewritingunderthe Tibetantext,sopresumably,thisisacaseof re-usedpaper.1 Theinkwritingiswell-preserved,andapart fromthefinallines,fairlystraightandneat,althoughnoguidelinesseemtohavebeenused.Asinmany otherDunhuangtexts,thewritingstyleisacrossbetweendbucananddbumed.Inthiscase,moreletters arefullyformedasindbucan,withonlyafewlettersindbumedstyle,specifically,thenga,daandsa, although it isa littleinconsistent.Sectionsand/or somesentenceendsare marked by two verticallyarranged circlesafter thefinal shad?Itisnotentirelyclear howclosely thesectionsof tantricinstructionsrelatetoeachother.Therectoside hasadescriptionof thedeityHumkaraand thenof Vajralasya(badzralase).Thisisfollowedontheverso side byasectionon theheart vowsof theBuddhafamilies.Thenext part,whicheitherslotsintoorfollows this,presentsamantraandmeditationonVajraHumkara,agtormaofferingrite,andthenthephur pa instructions.Although the text continueson thesame lineafter thelist of the heart vows,there would appear tobeaclearbreakintopicmarkedbyadoubleoccurrenceof theverticallyarrangedcircles.However,it maynotbeaccidentalthatthisaddedsetof instructionsshouldfollowtheassociationsof Amoghasiddhi's activityfamily,whichentails,"theheartvow[of]hatred(thugsdamzhe[s]dang,line5),withwhich phur pa rites would fit well.Moreover,at the bottom of the page, under theChinese writing,thereisa concluding statementinTibetan,"Sucharetheheartvows.3 Thisiswritteninsimilarbutlargerwritingthanthe manuscriptabove,withthesameinkcolouring,soitisquitepossible- althoughnotcertain- thatitwas pennedbythesamescribeandintendedtoapplyatleasttothediscussionontheversosideof thetext, includingthe phur pamaterial.Nonetheless,notonlyisit uncertainwhatrelationshipthefivefamilyvows have tothelineson the phur pa ritual,it isalso unclear whether the preceding meditationon Vajra Humkara and gtor maofferingisdirectlyrelatedtothe phur pamaterial!Again,wefindsomeindicationof abreak after the gtor marite,on thisoccasion,a horizontal line written uptotheend of theeleventh line.Whatever theactual relationshipintended between thesesectionsof text,atleastit wouldseem likely that thedifferent instructionshavebeen writtenat thesametimeandallrelatetotantricpracticepresumably tobeperformed by thesame readers.It iseven possible that theentireset of instructions may beintended tofit with the recto page'smaterial,perhapsallpartsof practicesconnectedwithHumkara.InthePhurpatradition,Humkara becomesthefirst of theinner retinueof the ten WrathfulOnes(khrobobcu),residingin theabovedirection. Althoughadirectconnectionbetweenthepracticesoutlinedontherectoandversosidesof thefolioseems perhapstenuous,thefactthatthe phur painstructionsfollowtheHumkarasectionontheversosidemight suggest that this isan appropriate basisfor the phur pa ritual.Thebrief notesgivendonotmakeitexplicitwhetherornotthe phur paritefitsintoadeitymeditation, although this might besuggested by thelargenumber of mantra recitationswhicharesaid to benecessaryat theoutset,andtheinstructionstopraise- perhapsthedeityHumkara?Nothingissaidaboutaneffigyas such,butitmay bethat thespecified portionof gtor maisusedastheobject tostrike.InIOLTibJ331.Ill (10v.5),wefindablack gtormaportion(gtormanag pochagcig)usedinthedestructiverite(seeabove, p. 121).InthetransmittedPhurpatradition,theregular sgrolbaritemakesuseof atriangular"portion-againtheword,cha,isused- cutfromagtormashapedofferingcakeinthecontextof thetshogsfeast1 See above,Ch.1, p. 13-14.2 We have used the colon to represent thisin the transliteration following.3 $/:/thugsdam lagso/ /Fragments,Cursory Treatment, Dharanis and PragmaticRites 195offeringrite.Thethreemantrasgiven herecontainelementsreminiscentof standardPhur pamantras.The first partand endingof thefirst mantra,"om kilayasar dbyig nan...hum phat",issimilar to thestandard root Vajrakllaya mantra:omvajrakllikllayasarvavighnanbam hum phat.Thekatha"elementinthemiddleis alsosimilar tothesyllables,khatham",occurringinmanydestructivemantrasof thePhurpacycles.The "tipta tipta"and"hana hana"elementsof thesecond mantraaresuggestiveof theconsecrationmantrafound in IOL Tib J 331.Ill(seeabove,Ch.5, p.81and Ch.6,p. 106),which became theconsortsmantra in the Phur pa tradition.(Beginning of the Versoside,line1)$//rigsIngaithugsdamdang/khadogs4 dzlndumdotsamzhigglengspa/dbuskyiberotshana/de bzhin gshegs pai rigs//(small writing beneath be rotsha na:) rnam par5nang(sic) mdzadA summary for understanding the heart vowsand coloursof thefive families:in thecentre[is]Vairocana. The tathagata family,(beneath:the Tibetan namefor) Vairocana(line2)sku mdoggsergyi mdoglte bu/ /gzungsbu talotsa na/ /thugsdamgtimug/smangu kul/:/shar phyogs kyiag(small writing beneath lotsa na':)lha mo[his]bodyisagoldencolour,inthecentre.Thedharani[is]Buddhalocana.Theheartvowis[of] delusion; the medicinalsubstance[is]frankincense.[In]theeastern direction is Ag..(beneath locana:)goddess(line3)sho bya rdo rje[r?]igs/6thugsdam nga rgyal/ /gzungsba dzra me la/se/smanga phur/ lho phyog kyi rad na sam ba ha rin pochei rigs(small writing beneath sho bya:) my I g.yo ba(small writing beneath gzungs:)lha mo(small writing beneath ba ha:) rin chen 'byung ldan...shobya(Aksobhya),thevajrafamily.Theheartvow[isof]pride.Thedharani[is]VajraLase (Vajralasya);the medicinalsubstance[is]camphor (=gabur).The jewelfamilyof Ratnasambhavaof the southern direction.(beneath...sobhya:) Unmoving(beneath dharani:)goddess(beneath...bhava:)JewelSource(line4)thugsdamphragdog/gzungsbadzramale/smanmangsa/:/nubphyogskyiamyida ba'//pad mo'i rigs/ gzungs badzra gir ti/(small writing beneath first gzungs:)lha mo(small writing beneath a myi da ba':)snang mtha (sic) yas(small writing beneath gzungs badzra:)lha moTheheartvow[isof]jealousy.Thedharani [is]VajraMale(Vajramala);themedicinalsubstance[is] mamsa.Amitabha of the western direction,thelotusfamily.The dharani [is]Vajra Girti (Vajraglta).(beneath first dharani:)goddess(beneath:the Tibetan namefor) Amitabha(beneathsecond dharani:)goddess4 finalsa inserted beneath5 ra attached6 theletter raseemsto have beenscratched from the page,but it issurelyintended.Thereisa tiny hole here,so thisis presumably unintended damage.196 Fragments,Cursory Treatment, Dharamsand Pragmatic Rites(line5)thugsdam brim khyud/ /smancan7dan/:/byangphyogskyia mogasiti/laskyirigs/thugsdam zhesdang gzungs(small writing beneath a mo ga siti:)dpal bdud rtsi'khyil pa'8/9Theheartvow[isof]brimkhyud?10 Themedicinalsubstance[is]sandalwood.Amoghasiddhiof the northern direction,the karma family.The heart vow[isof]hatred.The dharam[is][...](beneath:the Tibetan namefor) glorious Amrtakundalin(line6)badzragir ti// /smangur kum/::/rgyuntu bzlaba'isnyingpo//om badzrahungkarana/hung/ /bsam rgyud ni/ bdagi thugs(small writing beneath badzra gir ti:) lha moVajra Girti (Vajraglta).The medicinalsubstance[is]saffron.Theessencemantraforregularrecitation[is]:omvajrahumkarana/hum.Themeditationaltantra [tradition]11 [is that]at onesown/the lords heart...(beneathVajragfta:)goddess(line7)ka na/ rdorjertsedgu pa/ /gna[s(/m)]pa12la[m(/s)]13 od gzer14 phrobarbsam//spyi'igtor ma byin kyis brlab pa//(small writing beneath ka':) yam/am[there]abidesanine-spokedvajra,fromwhichlightraysradiate.Meditateonthis.Toconsecratethe general gtor ma,(beneath heart:)[thesyllable]yam/am15(line8)omam hum/16 :snyaom gisni myephungtuphar bar bsam rgyudgtangamgisni'odgsagzer17tu phyogs bcuromamhum.Meditatethatomblazes18 inamassoffire.Witham,lightrays[radiate?]totheten directions.(line9)s[-r(/u)]o19/humgisni/ bdudrtsi'izildngar tugyur par byinkyisbrlabcingbs[t(/d)]us/20:/ pa21nasgang la dmyigs pa 'am/ mchod pa'//Hum transforms[the gtor ma]intodeliciouslysweetelixir,[dissolving?]andconsecrating[it].Then,to whoever the meditation focus,[it is]offered.7 tsan intended?8 achung subscribed9 we would expect thestandard Tibetan namefor Amoghasiddhi, don yod grub pa,here!10 Wewouldexpectawordfordesire/passionhere.Possibly,thekhyudelementmightrelatetotheverb,'khyud pa, toembrace.Thesummarisedlistis:centreVairocanadelusion;E.Aksobhya,vajra,pride;S.Ratnasambhava, jewel, jealousy;W.Amitabha,lotus,brimkhyud;north Amoghasiddhi, karma, hatred11 Thesame term, bsamrgyud occursat the beginningof PT 349.SeeCh.8, p. 149.12 achung subscribed13 bothof the precedinginstancesof theletter sa/maarequestionable,but here,thetranslationassumesthat bothareintended tobe sa.14 deletion of prefixed ga appearsto be indicated by a lineabove.15 thesyllable amwouldseem more likely placed in the heart.16 there isa long horizontalline beneath theline here,as though astoseparate thislinefrom the next more clearly.17 again,prefixed gaappearsto be deleted by a lineabove.The previousletters are moreclearly deleted by crossing through.18 assuming thatbar isintended rather than'phar, which would imply,"flies up".19 theintended word is not entirely clear here;most probably, spro.20 final sais written tiny,asthough inserted.21 here also,it appears pa isdeleted by a lineabove.Fragments,Cursory Treatment, Dharams and Pragmatic Rites 1970 0*yA(line10)dedang[d]erthob par by a'Isngagsla/om a tsha haaba dzra pan tshaa 'bri da'/a nu pa tsira/ hung kara/ ma ha khro da/ 'bhyo ru lu ru lu humthemantraforaccomplishingthis:omvajrapancaa'brida'(=amrta?)/anupatsira[=anupaksita?]/ humkara/ maha krodha/ bhyo rulu rulu hum(line11)zhesbrjodde//lagg.yasg.yoskyi'asrinlagdang25 githebbognyisrtsespradde//gtormala gtad cing bsngo/ /26Recite(this).Thetipsof thetwothirdfingersandthumbsof therightandlefthands27 areputtogether, and the gtor ma isdedicated and offered.(line12)$/:28 /sengldenggiphur busor brgyadpa'itshadtu bzhogsla mgo zlumpor byaste/gtorma ji'byor ba cha gcig bshams te//sngagslan29Makinganacaciawood phurbu,chiselledout to measure eightinches,witha roundedhead,[from]whatever gtor ma[s]areobtained,one portion[is]laid out,and the mantra[is recited](line13)'bum 'tsang gi bar tu/ mchod ci3Qbrjod cing bsngagsla/ /phur bu dril bcangsgzaste//sngasu btabna'/ /ji[s(/m)]kyang myi tshugsahundredthousandtimes.Until[therecitation]iscompleted,recitingandpraising,[you]rollthe phur bu,holding and brandishing[it,and]when[you]stab[theobject]beforehand,whoever[it is,they]cannot doany harm(line14)shing phyir bzlog par'gyur ro/ /sngagslaomkila yasar31 dbyignan/ kathaya/hungphadces brjod/ do/ /and[they]willbeexpelled.Forthemantra,recite,omkilayasardbyignan/kathaya/humphat.(om kllayasarvavighnan?kathaya/?katahkate/?katamkate hum phat)(line15)$/:32 /jila yanggdabdu rung ba'/om hulu hulutiptatipta banda banda hanahanaa'brite hum phad/ /phur bu'is[ny]i[ng]Thewayitisappropriatetostrikeagain,[istorecite,]omhuluhulutiptatiptabandabandahanahanaa 'bri te hum phat (om hulu hulu dfpta dfpta bandha bandha hana hana amrta hum phat)(line16) po mdo bsdu[snga(/pa)(/spa)]33/om batsra ki la/ /sarba byid nan/[big] ta ya hum/:/Theconciseessence[mantra]of phurbu:34 om vajra?kila;sarvabyidnan; vig tayahum(om vajrakflasarvavighnan?vidhvamsaya hum)22 there isa small hole in the paper here,obscuring theletter da23 la issubscribed24 deletion appears to be indicated by a circular line around theseletters25 inserted below26 there isa gap at theend of thelinefilled with a horizontal line written across, presumably the emphasise the ending here.27 lag g.yas g.yos: notethat g.yas g.yosseemstobeanarchaicspellingconventionfor g.yas g.yon("right andleft").Itisfoundontherectosideof thismanuscriptalso,anditisusedconsistentlyin thisexpressionintheDunhuangThabszhagscommentary,IOL Tib J 321, while g.yon is used for the word for "left"alone.28 notethathereandfollowingtheyigmgobelow,thisornamentalfigureisactuallywrittensimplylikeacolon, notastwovertically arranged circles.29 final na subscribed to fit in theend of the line30 It is not entirely clear, but it appears that mchod ci isdeleted by a circular line through theletters.31 uncertain;perhapsfor sarwa32 asintheinstanceof theyigmgoabove,thisornamental figureisactuallywritten simplylikeacolon,notastwoverticallyarranged circles.33 the possibleattachedletter nga would makethesyllable snga, just possiblyanabbreviationof sngagsin thiscontext?However, it is alsoquite possible that merely theletter pa alone may beintended.198 Fragments,Cursory Treatment, Dharamsand Pragmatic RitesIOLTib J 406: Abrief rdo rjephur bu riteIOLTibJ406consistsof anincompleteconcertinamanuscript,separatedintoanumberof attachedor singlepages.Theindividualpagesarerathersmall,measuring17.6cminhorizontallengthand5.5cmin height,andeachhasfourlinesof textwritteninfairlyneatdbucan.Mostof thewritingiswell-preserved andperfectlylegible;theonlyproblemisthattheconcertinaisnolongercomplete.Accordingtothe InternationalDunhuangProjectcatalogue(DaltonandvanSchaik2006:143^4),somebutnotallofthe missingpagesarepresentinPT325.35 Unfortunately,thismeansthattheseriesof ritualsdescribedinthis manuscriptarenotaltogetherstraightforwardtofollow.Nonetheless,thementionofa phurburitualis foundatthebottomof asheetof fourattachedpages(correspondingtothethirddigitalimagegivenonthe IDPwebsite),36 sothat wedohavesomeof theprecedingcontext.Thefirst pageof thefoldedsheet begins withaninvitationtoAmoghasiddhi,anditisclearthatthiscompletesasection,notallthepagesof which areextant,on thefiveBuddhas.This meditationstarts with Vairocana invited toabideon thecrown of one's own head,37 and theother buddhasthenarisein theappropriatedirections,presumablyaround the head;38we have the pageon Amitabha in the westand Amoghasiddhiin thenorth.Thesecondof thefour stillattached pagescontinueswithafurthergeneralinvitationtothefiveBuddhas,alongwithappropriatemantrasand rnudras to bedone.In particular,the vajrafist is to bemadeand rotatedaround theears,clockwiseand anticlockwise,threetimeseach,39 perhapsindicatingthattheclenchedhandsshouldbecircledaroundthehead whilemeditatingontheBuddhas.Theinstructionscontinueonthethirdpage,thatthepalmsof thehands aretobeclappedthreetimes,andonemeditatesonatransformationintoVajrapni.MantrasforVajrapni arerecited,andheisinvitedbybindingwiththeironhookrnudra,andonthefourthpage,invitedintothe placebetween thetwoeyebrows,withanappropriatemantra.40 Amantraforcatchngghostsandevilspirits isthengiven,41 andatthispoint,abreakseemstobemarkedbywords,"gebrdzogso",42 perhapsmeaning, "[Maytherebe]virtues!Theend".However,thereisnoindicationintermsof punctuationwhichmight suggest acompleteend toone text and beginningof another,andit wouldseem rather unsatisfactory tohave caught ghostsand evil spirits without otherwise ritually acting upon them.The phurburitewhichfollowsisthuspresumablyintendedtolinkwiththepriorvisualisation,thatis, that thestabbing riteis performedin thecontext of a tantricmeditatationon thefiveBuddhasand Vajrapni. However,wecannot beentirely certain of this,all the moresosince thesubsequent pagesare not includedin IOLTibJ406.Therearenonethelesselementsof theshortdescriptionitself whichmightsuggestthatthis ritualcouldimplyameditativecontextnotsolelyamatterof asimpleritualof destruction.The phurbu implementisreferredtousingwhatbecamethePhurpadeity'sname(rdorje phurbu=Vajrakllaya),and the text also elaborateson theobject to be destroyed,adding the word,"byl na y ka'"(vindyaka, theSanskrit equivalentof bgegs).Thebgegs,interpretedasthe principalobstaclestoenlightenedawareness,alongwith the hostileforces(

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