Charting the Development of Portsmouth Harbour, Dockyard and Town in the Tudor Period

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ORI GIN AL PA PERCharting the Development of Portsmouth Harbour,Dockyard and Town in the Tudor PeriodDominic FontanaPublished online: 23 October 2013 Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013Abstract Portsmouth was crucial to the defence of Tudor England and consequently itwas mapped for military planning purposes throughout the Tudor period from 1545. Theresulting sequence of maps records much of the town and harbour. The maps offeropportunities for furthering our understanding of Tudor Portsmouth and its populationAdditionally, images of the urban landscape provided by the Cowdray Engraving, whichdepicts the loss of Henry VIIIs warship Mary Rose on the 19th July 1545, may also beconsidered and compared with those presented in the early maps of the town. This paperconsiders the Portsmouth maps of 1545, 1552, 1584 and the chart of Portsmouth Harbourdating from between 1586 and 1620. These are examined in relation to one another andcompared with evidence from the Cowdray Engraving.Keywords Portsmouth Cowdray engraving Mary Rose Tudor mapIntroductionIn 1509, when Henry VIII came to the throne, English maps were relatively rare objects,used primarily as a means of displaying encyclopaedic and historical information ratherthan for practical purposes. However, during Henrys reign it was realised that they couldprove extremely useful for both military and urban planning purposes as well as chartingextant buildings and fortifications as a guide in planning further urban and militaryexpansion.Portsmouth was most important to the security of England as it offered a good naturalharbour along the south coast. Conversely, it was also the ideal invasion point for an enemyfleet, providing sheltered anchorage for many substantial ships, and deepwater quaysidesD. Fontana (&)Department of Geography, University of Portsmouth, Buckingham Building, Lion Terrace, PortsmouthPO1 3HE, UKe-mail: Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282DOI 10.1007/s11457-013-9114-4upon which to disembark speedily the very large quantities of soldiers, provisions andequipment required for an invasion. In 1538, when Henry VIII and England faced greatthreat of invasion from the French and Spanish, immediate steps were taken to fortify thewhole of the south coast and in particular the vulnerable coastline around the Solent.Surveys were undertaken, maps were made, plans developed and the building of fortifi-cations undertaken, all along the coast (Harrington 2007: 6). Indeed, the coastal surveywhich resulted in the magnificent map detailing the coast from Exeter to Lands End (B.L.C.A. 1.i. 35, 36, 38, 39) made in 153940, was the largest single British governmentalmapping initiative before the 19th century (Barber 2009: 216). Similarly, there are alsothe maps showing the coast from Poole to Portland and Lyme Regis (B.L. C.A. 1.i. 31, 33).Although an enormous investment in manpower and money, it has left us with a legacy ofTudor fortifications, and some of the maps and plans that were used for their planning andconstruction. Portsmouth itself was mapped both for Henry and his heirs. During the reignsof Edward VI and Elizabeth I, threats from abroad continued and consequently furthermaps were made and plans drawn up for the repair and re-fortification of the townsdefences.This paper considers the Portsmouth maps of 1545, 1552, 1584 (1545, British Library,Cotton Augustus I.i.81; 1552, British Library, Cotton Augustus I.ii.15 and 1584, BritishLibrary, Cotton Augustus I.ii.117) and the UK Hydrographic Office (UKHO) chart ofPortsmouth Harbour dating from between 1586 and 1620 (UKHO chart D623). These areexamined in relation to one another and compared with the Cowdray Engraving, anengraved copy of a Tudor wall painting of the battle scene off Portsmouth on the 19th ofJuly 1545, during the invasion attempt by Francois I of France. This action is mostlyremembered for the loss of Mary Rose. Although a significant event in itself, this was onlya part of the overall military and naval conflict, which occurred on the Isle of Wight, in theSolent and the English Channel. The Cowdray image has proven to be topographicallyaccurate and contains a great deal of pictorial information about both Portsmouth and itsdefences (Fontana and Hildred 2011). Viewed together, the maps and the engraving pro-vide a rich source of information for the study of the defence and urban development ofTudor Portsmouth and provide an unparalleled view on aspects of Tudor life at all levels ofstudy.It is not possible here to illustrate adequately much of the map based material discussedin this paper as there is too much to reproduce in print and it would be difficult to providesufficient detail within printed images. However, with the exception of the 1584 map ofPortsmouth, the maps from the British Library collection are available online where theyare presented in colour and can be zoomed into by the user so that the detail of the mapscan be explored. Consequently, the available space in this paper has been used for illus-trations from the Cowdray Engraving and the UK Hydrographic Office chart D623.The Cowdray engraving (Size: 222 3 69 in.)The Cowdray Engraving is an important historic image depicting the French attempt toinvade England in July 1545 and shows the loss of King Henry VIIIs warship, Mary Rose(Fig. 1). The full title of the engraving is The Encampment of the English forces nearPortsmouth, Together with a view of the English and French fleets at commencement ofthe action between them on the XIXth July MDXLV. The engraving was published in1778, although the original painting from which it was derived was created shortly after theevents shown, probably by May 1548 (Nurse 2012). The copy consulted for this paper is in264 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123a private collection and by kind permission of the owner the author is in possession of ahigh-resolution digital scan of the image, which enables the easy viewing of the picture atclose quarters.The image presents a birds-eye panoramic view looking from north to south across thesouthern part of Portsea Island towards the Solent and to the Isle of Wight beyond. On theleft-hand side of the image is the French invasion fleet shown as a mass of ships in StHelens Roads, off Bembridge Harbour, around the eastern end of the Isle of Wight. In thecentral upper right-hand area of the image are the ships of the English fleet, which areoccupying the anchorage of Spithead and are set ready to oppose the French invasion. Thetown of Portsmouth is shown in the lower right-hand side and Southsea Castle is the largebuilding in the centre of the image. Just above Southsea Castle are the mast-tops of therecently sunken Mary Rose, surrounded by a number of small boats attempting to rescuesome of her crew.This picture is just one image derived from a set of five large wall paintings which oncedecorated the dining hall at Cowdray house in Midhurst, Sussex. They were probablypainted for Sir Anthony Browne, Master of the Kings Horse, between 1545 and 1548. Theidentity of the artist is unknown. Browne inherited Cowdray from his half-brother in 1543and it remained one of his principal residences until his death in 1548. Sir Anthony isshown prominently in the centre of the Portsmouth image riding a white horse followingimmediately behind King Henry VIII, who is also mounted. Next to Browne is Sir CharlesBrandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk, commanding the English land forces at Portsmouth (Ayloffe1775).The image, as we have it today, is in the form of a printed reproduction from hand-engraved copper printing plates. These were commissioned by the Society of Antiquariesof London in the 1770 s. Although it has been reduced to about one-third of the size of theoriginal wall painting, the reproduction is still very large at over 2 m wide and, as a result ithad to be engraved onto two separate copperplates which were, in turn, printed onto twosheets of extra large paper called Antiquarian (Nurse 2007: 144). The reproduction ofsuch a large and detailed image required the creation of special paper by James Whatmanwho specifically invented equipment to manufacture sheets of the required size (Nurse2007: 155). The engravings themselves were made by James Basire of Great Queen Street,London. Basire specialised in antiquarian subjects and used a painstaking, carefully drawnand, even for the time, rather old fashioned style of engraving (Ackroyd 1995: 35).Although there is no direct documentary evidence, William Blake, painter and poet, isFig. 1 The whole of the Cowdray Engraving showing the battle in the Solent off Portsmouth on 19th July1545. The ships on the left are the French fleet with the English ships in the centre and to the right of thepicture. The land in the top of the image is the Isle of Wight and the southern shore of Portsmouth is at thebottom. The sea in the middle is Spithead and the Solent (private collection, used by permission)J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 265123likely to have been involved in the engraving of the image. He was apprenticed as anengraver to Basire in 1772, living in Basires household until 1778, the year in which theengraving was completed and published. The engraving of the image was a major com-mission and took 2 years to complete, causing some difficulties for the Society of Anti-quaries because of the expense involved (Nurse 2007:156). However, it is fortuitous thatthe Antiquaries continued with the reproduction of the pictures because on the 24thSeptember, 1793, Cowdray House was largely destroyed by fire (Hope 1919) and theoriginal wall paintings were lost.The Antiquaries distributed black-and-white copies of the engraving to members of theSociety and a number of these copies still survive. The copy used for this project has beencoloured by hand, probably using watercolour paints, and it is likely that this colouring wasdone shortly after the initial distribution of the prints to the members of the Society in thelate 1770 s. It is not known if the colours used were chosen with reference to the originalwall painting, but this seems unlikely. There is one other coloured copy of the engravingstill known to exist, also in private hands. The colours used in the second known version ofthe engraving are significantly different to the copy used here and are somewhat brighter.A written description of the original painting was made by Sir Joseph Ayloffe (Ayloffe1775). Ayloffe considered the painting to be an accurate representation of the scene andwas fulsome in his praise. is evidently handled with the greatest attention to truth; all isregular, circumstantial, and intelligible, nothing misrepresented, disguised, or confused.He also made a few notes about the colours that had been used in the original painting.Therefore, the image content remains available to us in the form of the engraving althoughthe colouring of the copy used for this study must be treated with some care as it is unlikelyto have been derived from the original wall painting.Within the illustration, there is considerable amount of identifiable topographical detailevident. Several English ships are shown passing through Portsmouth Harbours narrowentrance on their way to join the rest of the English fleet at Spithead. Some of the Englishships are using the Swashway, a shallow channel which cuts southward across Spitbankadjacent to the harbour entrance, providing a slightly shorter route to Spithead. Thisunderwater landscape feature is very clearly depicted in the United Kingdom HydrographicOffice chart D623. Consequently, we can be reasonably certain of the late Tudor seabedtopography and from the map discern that it was very similar to the modern configuration.The shape of Spitbank has a significant effect on the tidal currents which, in turn, directlyaffect the navigational access to Portsmouth Harbour. Today, the Isle of Wight ferries, withtheir relatively shallow draught, use this route across the Solent at almost all states of thetide as they ply between the island and Portsmouth. These vessels are equipped withmodern engines and steering systems, so they are more able to cope with the powerful tidalcurrents running through the harbour entrance caused by the ebb and flow of the tidalcycle. Sailing vessels without motor power are severely constrained by these currents andmust adhere to tightly defined tidal time windows to enter or leave Portsmouth Harbour.This natural phenomenon is crucial in the planning and development of effective harbourdefences. The location of the underwater sandbanks and navigable channel ensured allvessels entering the harbour would need to sail close to the southern shore of PortseaIsland, from Southsea Castle to the Round Tower and consequently, the defence of theharbour required that enough guns of sufficient range and destructive capability werepositioned in batteries along the shore and on either side of the harbours entrance and thisis exactly the situation depicted in the Cowdray Engraving with guns mounted at SouthseaCastle and along Portsmouths defensive walls from the Greene Bulwark at the southeastcorner of the town to the Round Tower by the harbour entrance.266 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123The Cowdray image also shows many identifiable features of the built environment ofPortsmouth, Gosport and the Isle of Wight. On the Portsmouth side of the harbour entranceis the Round Tower, a circular stone structure dating from the 153040 s which probablyreplaced an earlier tower on the same site. On the Gosport shore opposite the Round Toweris Fort Blockhouse. Adjacent to the Round Tower is the capstan for raising a defensiveboom chain, which could be drawn across the harbour entrance suspended beneath a seriesof small boats roped together. This would close the harbour to shipping, or at the very leastsignificantly hinder entry for enemy vessels delaying them in a location close to thedefending guns mounted in the Round Tower and at Fort Blockhouse. The chain is alsoshown on the 1584 map of Portsmouth fortifications and referred to in John LelandsItinerary (written c. 153543). Williams (1979: 11) suggests that the chain was notavailable for the 1545 battle, which could explain why the capstan is shown in theCowdray Engraving, but the chain itself is not and that the figure standing next to thecapstan is making an almost forlorn gesture towards it.Also identifiable are the Square Tower, originating as a wood and earth structure aroundc. 1495 and rebuilt of stone during Henry VIIIs reign. Other structures clearly shown inthe picture include in the southeast corner of Portsmouth the Saluting Platform, LongCurtain and what was then known as the Greene Bulwark and this still extant structure isnow called the Kings Bastion. Further east along the Southsea shoreline the smallerdefences of what were later to become Lumps Fort and Eastney Fort are also clearlyshown. The half-timbered building in the lower left-hand side of the picture is EastneyFarm which was the only substantial building in that part of Portsea Island at the time andsurvived until the 1920 s. Eastney Farm (marked as Easto Ferm) is one of just fiveplaces shown on Portsea Island in John Nordens 1595 County map of Hampshire.Within Portsmouths town walls there is also considerable detail shown which can becompared with the 1584 map (Fig. 2). The four brewhouses are labelled on the 1584 mapwith their names; The dragon, The Lyon, The White Hart and The Rose, and are clearlyshown as being located around a pond, probably a freshwater spring providing the sig-nificant quantities of water essential for brewing. The four brewhouses were established in1515 by Henry VIII to provide beer for his ships. They produced considerable quantities,making 500 barrels per day in 1515 (Eley 1988). Provisioning of Henrys fleet and shoreforts was an enormous task requiring significant organisation and by 1547 naval victuallingwas regularly accounted to the Exchequer (Knighton and Loades 2014). The engravingshows the brewhouses as timber framed buildings located almost as though they weremounted on stilts above a pond which extends underneath and around the buildings.Evidence for the brewhouses is also provided in the maps of 1545 and 1552. In the 1545map they are shown as four rectangular buildings with a small square extension added toone side of each building, with the four brewhouses being grouped around a square pond.In the 1552 map the buildings are presented in birds-eye view as a group of low buildingswith pitched roofs set around an irregularly shaped pond. On the right-hand side of theimage, Portsmouths defences adjacent to the narrow entrance to Portsmouth Harbour aredepicted. The engraving shows a wall with a gate separating the Round Tower with itsassociated buildings and palisade from the main part of the town. Adjacent to this gate andwall are two buildings, one of which is shown as being constructed on stilts extending overthe water of the Camber. This is probably the Swane bakery, which is named on the 1584map.Shown alongside the brewhouses in the engraving are the buildings of the mediaevalhospice, Domus Dei, surrounded by the precinct wall, separating it from the town. Thewestern side of the wall is breached by a gateway located in what is now Penny Street, andJ Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 267123provides the entrance to the site. The north facing precinct wall is pierced by four windowsand the Great Hall is shown as having two windows with stone tracery and a large chimneyplaced in between them. Archaeological excavation undertaken in May 2009 for theChannel Four television Time Team programme (Series 17, Episode Nine) has providedarchaeological confirmation of the location of the eastern precinct wall of the Domus Dei(Wessex Archaeology 2010, Trench 2, Paragraph 4.3.12: 12) and this concurs with the siteas shown in the 1545, 1552 and 1584 maps.In the extreme lower right of the picture can be seen Town Quay in the Camber Dock(Fig. 3) with what appear to be stone quaysides on either side, forming a small rectangularinlet. This shape is also recorded in the 1545 map and is echoed in the birds-eye viewdepiction on the 1552 map, although the lengths of the projections appear unequal, con-trasting with their presentation in the 1545 map. To the left of Town Quay there is a smallvessel either loading or unloading barrels, alongside a small crane or derrick. In front ofthis scene there are a line of four gabions (wicker baskets containing earth or sand, used toprovide temporary fortifications) and behind these are four guns facing outwards towardsthe Camber. These appear to be mounted on part of the town wall embankment, which istopped with a crenellated wall. This is truncated on either side, forming a gap between thesections of the wall. On the 1545 map this position is filled with a circular bastion placedon top of an earth mound which projects northwards from the walls. The depiction in theCowdray Engraving suggests that this bastion had not been completed at the time of thebattle in July 1545, although, implied by the gap in the wall, space had been reserved for itsfuture construction. The 1552 map shows a pentagonal shaped bastion projecting out fromthe wall in place of the circular bastion depicted in the 1545 map. The 1584 map shows asemicircular bastion, which is open on the side facing into the town with its parapet wallsjoining the general run of the parapet around the town. From this sequence of map andpictorial evidence, it seems likely that the 1584 map depiction most closely reflects thebastion that was eventually constructed.As it is shown in the Cowdray Engraving the line of the crenellated wall westward ofthe gap merges into some trees, which suggests that the wall itself did not completelyencircle the town at this time. On the 1545 map an almost square bastion is drawn asFig. 2 Detail from the Cowdray Engraving showing the four brewhouses located above a pond in the left ofthis picture and the buildings of the mediaeval hospice Domus Dei surrounded by its precinct wall. Thearched entrance from Penny Street into the enclosed Domus Dei site can be seen in the right hand of theimage (private collection, used by permission)268 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123forming the northwestern most part of the defences of the town. As shown in the 1545 map,it appears to be equipped with a doorway adjacent to the parapet of the Town Walls givingentry to an L- shaped space from which a staircase transits to a second, possibly higherlevel. The 1552 map displays a largely similar square bastion structure although no internalwalls or staircases have been defined. The entrance doorway is in a similar position to thatshown in the 1545 map. The 1584 map also shows a square bastion which has been labelledye square bastion. Internally, there is an L-shaped structure shown but it is not in the sameposition as depicted in the 1545 map. The entrance to the interior of the bastion is via anarrow passage between the right-angled corner of the town wall parapet and the innercorner of the bastion itself. The sequence suggests that this bastion was planned, but notbuilt by the time of the 1545 battle.In the engraving, just above the crenellated Town Wall parapet, a long storehouse canbe seen. In the 1545 map the long storehouse is clearly shown with an entrance doorwayclose to Town Quay and another one halfway along its eastern side, which is depicted onthe map as being closed. Interestingly, the Cowdray Engraving shows the doorway on theeastern end of the building facing away from the Town Quay and the 1545 map shows thisas just a blank end wall without doorway. This location is marked in the 1584 map as anarea which has been burned. The storehouses were destroyed by fire on 4th August 1576(Calendar of State Papers Domestic 15471580: 526). Hodson (1978: 33) cites this asevidence for the earliest possible date of the 1584 map.One of the central subjects of the Cowdray picture is the sinking of Mary Rose.Although this specific incident happened at Spithead and does not occur directly withinpart of Portsmouth town or the harbour, it is nonetheless an extremely useful element of thedata contained within the picture. Because Mary Rose was excavated from the seabed ofthe Solent the exact location of her sinking is known and this fixed spot assists with theunderstanding of the geography of the battlefield as presented within the image. In turn,this helps to develop a fuller understanding of all of the other information presented withinthe picture.The appearance of the sunken Mary Rose presents what is an accurate depiction of theship resting on the seabed with only the highest parts of two of the ships masts protrudingFig. 3 Detail from the extreme lower right corner of the Cowdray Engraving showing Town Quay as arectangular shaped inlet. Notice that crossing the lower part of the image is the crenulated parapet of thetown wall exhibiting a gap in wall itself, close to the four guns and gabions. To the right of this detail thelong storehouse showing a doorway facing to the east unlike the 1545 map which shows the doorway facingwest (private collection, used by permission)J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 269123above the surface of the sea, complete with their fighting tops. The foremast mainsail canbe seen floating on the surface of the water surrounded by a number of drowned sailors.The image shows one man clinging to the underside of the fighting top of the main mastwith two men on the foremast, one clinging to the mast itself and the other standing on thefighting top, waving animatedly. The depiction of the masts would suggest that Mary Rosehad been proceeding in a northerly direction at the time that she sank, which accords withher excavated archaeological position, and that she was rigged with the mainsail on theforemast. Within the image there is no suggestion of the mainsail on the main mast, whichmay imply that this was reefed at the time of the sinking. Consequently, it is probable thatMary Rose had a similar sail configuration set for her final passage to a number of the otherEnglish vessels depicted in the engraving. which are shown with bowsprit sails and lateensails set.The action between the vanguard of the English ships and the French is clearly shown inthe centre of the image where an advance party of four French galleys is seen exchangingfire with the largest of the English ships, Henri Grace a Dieu. Towards the front of theFrench main fleet is a galley flying a flag bearing the crossed keys of St Peter and justbehind it there is another galley which appears to be partially submerged. This may well bethe vessel referred to in the letter by John, Lord Russell to Sir William Pagett. Written onthe 23rd July he states at the writing of your letters, 17 of the [French] galleys came inthe order of battle to the fight, of the which one was sunk (Knighton and Loades 2002).To the left of the sunken galley a large ship may be seen with its masts sloping markedlytowards the left. It is possible that this represents the second French flagship mentioned inMartin Du Bellays account of the battle written after 1546 (Martin Du Bellay,1495/81559). He was a French nobleman who accompanied the French invasion fleet inJuly 1545 (Stone 1907). He recounts that this vessel is said to have run aground shortlyafter leaving harbour in France and as a result was reported to have damaged its keel whichcould have caused displacement of its masts.On the Isle of Wight, French troops are depicted as making landings on the southernside of Bembridge Harbour and in Sandown Bay and the village of Bembridge itself isshown as being on fire (Fig. 4). The illustration of these incidents concur with the writtenaccount provided by Martin Du Bellay (Stone 1907) within which he suggested that it wasthe French tactic of wasting and burning his [Henry VIIIs] country in his sight such thatHenry would be forced to send rashly his fleet from the safety of Spithead to attack theFrench fleet, thereby bringing on a more general open engagement much to the advantageof the French.In another interesting little vignette within the picture, the bridge at Yarbridge on theIsle of Wight, connecting Bembridge with the main part of the Isle of Wight across amuddy intertidal area, is shown as being defended by the English with two cannons. Part ofthe bridge structure has been demolished as a defensive measure to keep the Frenchconstrained to the isolated eastern end of the Island. This incident is also recounted in DuBellays account (Stone 1907): put the enemy to flight, and forced them to retreatinland to a stream which they crossed by a bridge, cutting it behind them for fear of ourpursuit, and there made a stand awaiting reinforcement.Considered on its own therefore, the Cowdray Engraving is an image containing aconsiderable amount of data. Much of this can be compared, contrasted and in many casesconfirmed, with archaeological, documentary and the map-based spatial information. It ishowever, most important that such an image is considered en toto and in conjunction withthese other sources of data, rather than just selecting occasional details or vignettes. Suchan inclusive, cross-disciplinary approach will provide a more comprehensive270 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123understanding of the way in which the picture conveys and presents its stories. The imagecan be examined on a number of levels and for a variety of subjects including topo-graphical, architectural, social, military and logistical aspects of Tudor life and conse-quently the engraving deserves further detailed analysis by an interdisciplinary team.Plan of Portsmouth 1545: British Library, Cotton Augustus I.i.81(Size: 22.8 3 30.7 in.; Scale: 1:1200)The first of the Portsmouth maps dates from 1545 and was produced for Henry VIII. It isthe earliest known scale plan of any town in England and is noteworthy for its accuracy anddetail. It was made to show proposals for improvements to the defences of Portsmouth,probably after the French invasion attempt of July 1545. There is a note written on theright-hand side of the map which reads This plat is in every inch C foote, meaning thatthe map has been made at an intended scale of 1 inch to 100 feet. The map was verycarefully drawn and the circular lines defining the bastions of the towns wall have beenmade using a compass. Indeed, the holes in the paper made by the compass points are stillclearly evident.The map presents a modern style of plan with each building being described by theposition of its walls rather than a birds-eye pictorial image, as often encountered withmaps of the period. Interestingly, the map even shows the positions of the doorwaysopening onto the street as well as the interior ones; however, the rear doorways to thehouses are not recorded. The doorposts for each doorway are marked as small circles on theends of the lines, representing the doorframes and walls, leaving a gap to denote thedoorway itself. This is a tremendous level of detail and it must have taken the surveyors aconsiderable time to gather the information.Fig. 4 Detail from the Cowdray Engraving. French troops, having landed on the eastern end of the Isle ofWight have set fire to the village of Bembridge and, according to Martin Du Bellay (Stone 1907), with theintention of enraging the English such that they would rashly send their fleet out of the safety of Solent toattack the French ships anchored at St Helens Road. English troops have built a fortification, equipped withtwo guns, at the western end of Yarbridge and have breached the final arches of the bridge itself in anattempt to deny a dry crossing point to the French whereby they could advance their attack into the heart ofthe Isle of Wight (private collection, used by permission)J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 271123When compared with the 1552 map, the 1545 map may be considered to appear ratherplain and technical in its presentation of the built environment of the town. The 1552 mapcontains pictorial drawings of the buildings. There is a considerable coincidence ofinformation presented by the two maps and this adds confidence in the accuracy of theirdepiction of the town. As with any historic map, the data as presented need to be inter-preted and understood by the map user in the light of their own research questions ratherthan simply being accepted purely at face value. The combined use of several data sourcesenhances this understanding. In the case of Tudor Portsmouth, the availability of severalmaps as well as the Cowdray image and some archaeologically derived data furtherenhances this process (Fig. 5).The 1545 map depicts the four brewhouses shown in the Cowdray Engraving. There arealso other features clearly evident in the 1545 map; the church of St Thomas, the formermediaeval hospice Domus Dei in the southeastern quadrant of the town, and its precinctwall, and the towns two bakeries, the Swane near the Camber, and the Anker to the northof St Thomass Church. Again, considerable care has been taken by the surveyors to gatherdetailed information, and plan representations of the bread ovens have been drawn intothese bakeries the Swane has two ovens and the Anker four (Fig. 6). The names of thebakeries are recorded in the 1584 map. Interestingly, although the hospice of the DomusDei had been closed as an ecclesiastical site by 1540 and was being used as an armoury in1545, the survey recorded two further bread ovens within one of its smaller buildings,giving the town of Portsmouth a total of eight potentially available bread ovens. Unfor-tunately, during the Time Team excavations of May 2009, it was not possible to excavatethat specific location. A trench (Trench 2, Wessex Archaeology 2010:12) opened just to thesouth of this location revealed a flagged floor, parts of which may have been used in theoriginal mediaeval hall although much repair and reuse had clearly taken place during theconversion of the Domus Dei into the Governors House in the 1580s.Another interesting detail in the 1545 map is the inclusion of a small rectangularbuilding located on the Camber quayside in Oyster Street. This depicts two forges, com-plete with their bellows to provide an additional supply of oxygen to the fires and the twoanvils. The hearths are set at either end of the building alongside doorways with thebellows arranged between the two fires facing outwards from the centre of the building.The anvils are located right by the doorways, presumably to allow the smith to work inbetter daylight and cooler air. Clearly the smithy was considered an important facility and,as such, has been duly recorded in the 1545 map. Intriguingly it does not appear at all in the1552 map or the 1584 map. This seems an important omission and raises the question ofwhether this might have been a temporary smithy or simply a proposal for one in the 1545map. A quayside location would have been convenient as the wood or charcoal for theforge could easily be supplied from the Forest of Bere to the north and transported by boatfrom either Fareham or Portchester. The town must have had a smithy throughout itshistory as any town or village would certainly need the services of a blacksmith.The map also shows the important defensive structures of the town including the RoundTower at the entrance to Portsmouth Harbour, the Square Tower and its adjacent gunplatform and the town walls themselves, which include a number of bastions. There is alsoa transverse rampart and ditch which cuts off the northeast section of the walled areaseparating it from the rest of the town. This is very clearly shown in the CowdrayEngraving as a raised area of ground contained within a small crenellated wall running thelength of the diagonal which directly meets with the Town Wall. This structure is alsorecorded in the 1552 map of Portsmouth as a wall and bank, however it differs from theCowdray and the 1545 maps depiction as it terminates in a small Square Tower (which272 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123was not built) at the southeastern end close to the four brewhouses. The addition of anangle-bastion of contemporary Italian type to the southeast rampart is indicated in pencilon the 1545 map. Therefore, this map shows the extant defences and urban development, aswell as proposals for major defensive modifications which were never constructed. Thismixture of existing and proposed information presented within the single map sheet canFig. 5 Detail from the Cowdray Engraving showing the defences from the Greene Bulwark in thesoutheastern corner (left), where there are four guns mounted, along the walls facing towards the navigablechannel into Portsmouth Harbour, with one gun shown, followed by the Saluting Platform (beneath the largeflag), which mounts seven guns, adjacent to the Square Tower at the right-hand end of this detail (privatecollection, used by permission)Fig. 6 The Round Tower is shown in the Cowdray Engraving as being separated from the town by apalisade along the centre of the peninsula at the south side of the Camber. At the eastern end of this palisadethere appears to be a gate giving access from the town to the area outside the palisade and closed gate nearbygiving access to the inside of the palisade area and the Round Tower itself. These gates are located close tothe site of what later became King Jamess gate (1687). The timber-framed building built on piles over thewater in the Camber dock is probably the Swane bakery (private collection, used by permission)J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 273123cause some difficulty for a researcher interpreting the information as presented. However,despite this difficulty, these proposals are important as they provide evidence of the earliestdesign for fortifying an English town using an Italian style fully flanked bastion system(British Library 2012).Plan of Portsmouth 1552: British Library Cotton Augustus I.ii.15(Size: 21.5 3 29.5 in.; Scale: 1:2400)This map shows both the old town of Portsmouth itself and the settlement of Gosport onthe western side of Portsmouth Harbour. Clearly shown is the narrow harbour entrance,complete with the defensive structures of the Square Tower and the Round Tower on thePortsmouth side and Fort Blockhouse on the Gosport side. A second, larger fort is shownon the Gosport peninsula. This consists of a circular keep within a circular perimeter wall,and represents Lymdens Bulwark. The map has been partly drawn in plan view and partlyin birds-eye view. Features such as the streets, town walls, bastions and land parcels areshown as outlines in their plan position. The birds-eye approach provides sketches ofbuildings and some major fortifications. This provides much illustrative detail of thebuildings and fortifications within Portsmouth town, but not very much is shown on theGosport side. There are no text annotations to the map, which is unusual. This may suggestthat the map was intended to provide illustrative support for discussions between peoplewho knew Portsmouth well and who would not have required labels or annotations namingthe particular locations.Dating of this map is not exact, as it could have been produced at any time between1545 when works on the defensive walls began, and 1563, by which time the configurationof the Town Quay in the Camber had been significantly altered. It seems likely that themap was produced in 1552, because in that year John Rogers was ordered to survey thetown. It was also visited by the 14 year-old King Edward VI on the 9th August 1552, whenhe expressed some dissatisfaction at the state of the defences (Williams 1979:10).The Round Tower is shown as being connected to the town by a palisade along thecentre of the peninsula surrounding the Camber. At the eastern end of this palisade is asecond one, which crosses the peninsula laterally and is fitted with what appear to be gatesgiving access from the town to either side of the longitudinal palisade. This is located at thesite of what later became King Jamess Gate and is situated just behind the Swane bakery,which is also clearly shown on both the 1545 and 1584 maps of Portsmouth. This pre-sentation of information also bears some comparison with the depiction of the structureswithin the Cowdray Engraving.Both the Round Tower and St Thomass Church are shown with signal braziersmounted on their roofs, and the one on the church tower is also clearly visible in theCowdray Engraving (see Fig. 6).The Town Gate Bastion is shown in some detail at the north-eastern end of the HighStreet and it is possible to see the arrangements for controlled access into the town (Fig. 7).This is achieved through an entrance on the western side of the bastion by crossing a smallbridge over a moat into what appears to be an enclosed courtyard. This was probably fittedwith gates at either end, providing a mechanism with which to control tightly entry to, andexit from, the town. Again, the Town Gate Bastion the guardhouse to the right of the gateas well as the guideposts on the bridge by which one enters the town are shown.274 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123Portsmouth 1584: British Library, Cotton MS Augustus I.ii.117 (Size: 27.2 3 26 in.)This is also a remarkable map of Portsmouth which contains considerable informationabout the land use and development of the town. It is also particularly notable because itincludes overlays specifically designed to show the intended positions of proposed newdefensive structures to strengthen the towns defences in preparation for the expectedSpanish attacks. One of these overlays shows plans for the replacement of the wall betweenthe Saluting Platform and the Square Tower combined with the construction of a new wallbetween the Square Tower and the Round Tower. The other shows the potential con-struction of a moat along the line of Penny Street. This moat then extends south-eastwardsto join the existing ditch behind the Kings Bastion. Hodson (1978:33) suggests that thismodification would have reduced the towns area and removed the vulnerable southeastcorner. Although this would have been the case, it must be recognised that this would alsohave increased the length of the towns perimeter wall and left the Domus Dei outside oftheir protection. It is possible that had these modifications to the towns walls been made,the entirety of the Domus Dei would have been demolished. The result would leave a clearfield to the front of the new town walls, denying areas of cover and refuge to any attackingsoldiers and ensuring that they could be seen by defenders of the town. Demolition of theDomus Dei would also have provided a free and on-site source of building stone for thenew walls. However, the decision was taken to convert some of the buildings of the DomusDei into a suitable residence for the Governor of Portsmouth instead. Interestingly, Wright(1873:1718) provides useful information about specific room sizes within a number of thebuildings of the Domus Dei complex derived from building repair estimates of 1581 and1582 for converting Gods House and other buildings into a residence for a Governor.The Domus Dei was converted into the Governors house in the early 1580 s and the townwalls remained in their original position. The maps concentration on matters of defence isfurther reinforced by the drawing of the boom chain at the harbour entrance adjacent to theRound Tower.Most of the streets within the town walls have been included, although the map does notshow internal field divisions or individual plots. Many of the buildings have been drawnand these are marked with their function and the names of their owners or tenants. The fourFig. 7 Town Gate Bastion in the Cowdray Engraving. It is possible to identify the guardhouse to the rightof the gate as well as the guideposts on the bridge by which one enters the town (private collection, used bypermission)J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 275123brewhouses are named, as are the two bakeries, ye Swane, near Oyster Street and TheQ Barkhouse called ye Anker on St Thomass Street. Also named is Whight House aprison just to the east of the High Street and set back behind the main run of houses.Adjacent to this is the T. playhouse (Town Playhouse) and further south along the HighStreet the position of the Toune house (Town Hall) is shown in the centre of the HighStreet close to St Thomass Church. The church itself is drawn as a long, low, pitched roofbuilding. It has a tower on its eastern side, three windows and an arched door on its westernelevation and a single one on the north side. There is no signalling brazier shown on thetower roof. A path connects the eastern side of the churchs nave to the High Street, whichpasses between two houses.There is no date recorded on this map although it is known that the storehouses next tothe Town Quay were destroyed by fire on the 4th August 1576. These are shown on thismap as burned, thereby providing an earliest date for its compilation. Hodson (1978:33)places the latest date as 1584 when Spicers Wall was commenced as this is not shown inthe map. However, given the repair estimates of 1581 and 1582 for converting the DomusDei into the Governors residence, it would seem likely that the map and its overlays werecompiled before this reuse of the Domus Dei was decided. Consequently, its date may bearound 1580 or 1581.Chart of Portsmouth Harbour, Between 1586 and 1620: Admiralty UK HydrographicOffice D623 (Size: 29.7 3 48.5 in.; Scale: 1:10560)This is a large, attractive and extremely well produced manuscript map of the entrance toPortsmouth Harbour. It is the earliest known chart in the UK Hydrographic Officesarchive (Fig. 8). It shows the deep-water areas and mudflats within the harbour as well asthe settlements and defensive features of the surrounding landscape. It has been accuratelysurveyed, and, most notably for such an early map, includes a realistic representation of theseabed topography covering the approach to Portsmouth Harbours entrance, evenrecording the presence of the Swashway channel across Spitbank (marked The Swach).The map is oriented with West-South-West to the top and is intended to be viewed in alandscape position, as the majority of the labels have been written with this viewpoint inmind.The map has annotations marking the beaches along the shoreline, and prominentlydisplays all the defensive positions as well as the offshore water depths. It is possible thatthis combination of features on the map was intended to provide a map suitable forplanning defensive operations around Portsmouth Harbour. The maps orientationencourages the viewer to consider potential shipping approaches towards the harbourentrance and makes the positions of the defensive fortifications and the locations of thepotential landing beaches remarkably clear. After the French invasion attempt of 1545 inwhich Mary Rose was lost, the next serious invasion threat was from the Spanish Armadain 1588 and the English continued to expect further attempts to be made in the yearsfollowing.The date of this map is difficult to determine and there have been a number of sug-gestions made, including as late as 1665 by Hodson (1978) and around 1620 by theNational Maritime Museum. Internal evidence from the map itself however provides someindication of an earlier date. The walls of Portsmouth town are drawn in their laterElizabethan configuration, with the Four Houses Bulwark (named after the nearby fourbrewhouses) shown in the centre of the long curtain wall on the eastern side of the town.276 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123This structure was built around 1584 to 1586 when Portsmouths defences were remodelledby Popinjay and Pearse (English Heritage 2012). This was the first bastion to be built onthe site and was remodelled by de Gomme in 167785. This bastion is not shown in theCowdray engraving as the engraving predates this construction by around 40 years.Evidence for an earlier date is suggested by Hasleworth Castle, which is shown as beingstill extant on the Gosport peninsula (Figs. 9, 10) Hasleworth was said to have beendestroyed on the order of King Philip, and there is a story that when he sailed intoSouthampton in 1554 to marry Queen Mary at Winchester, all of the forts around theSolent and along Southampton Water fired salutes except Hasleworth, which wasdemolished as a consequence (Williams 1979:14). Alternatively, Williams suggests thatHasleworth Castle was scrapped as a result of a review of coastal fortifications by theMarquis of Winchester under instructions dated 1556 (Williams 1979:14; Colvin 1982).Hasleworth Castle is shown in a miniature architectural sketch in the Burghley atlas map ofthe Isle of Wight (British Library, Royal 18 D iii, f. 18), dating to around 1570. Thissuggests that Hasleworth Castle was still standing at the time. Interestingly, on DanielFavreau de la Fabvollieres 1665 Portsmouth map (British Library, Add. MS. 16371a.),Hasleworth Castle is marked as beaten downe by King Philip. Nordens 1595 countymap of Hampshire records Riames ofy Haselworth Castle (Remains of HasleworthCastle) at this location. The evidence therefore suggests that this map dates from around1620 at the latest, and it is quite possible that it may be as early as the mid-1580 s, althoughan earliest date is more likely to be 1590.The compass rose outside the harbour mouth on Chart D623 (Fig. 11) has a pencil linerunning north and extending through the tower of St Thomass Church. This is not anavigation mark. To follow it when steering a ship would run the ship aground on theshallow water of the Spit. Intriguingly, the fleur-de-lis of the compass rose liesFig. 8 Chart D623 is the earliest chart in the UK Hydrographic Office collection. The chart shows theentrance to Portsmouth Harbour with Portsea Island in the lower left of the image and the Gosport peninsulain the upper right. There is considerable, and accurate, detail provided of the seabed topography and themudflats and channels within Portsmouth harbour (UK Hydrographic Office Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 277123immediately on top of the wreck site of Mary Rose. Is this an intentional feature of thischart, perhaps providing a means of locating the wreck or is it merely a coincidence?Furthermore, the central point of the compass rose can be fixed by lines of sight toNettlestone Fort on the Isle of Wight, Cowes Castle, Pagham church tower on the Selseypeninsula in West Sussex and the tower of St Thomass church in Old Portsmouth. Fromthis central point it is exactly 750 yards along the sight line to St Thomass church tower toarrive at the wreck site of Mary Rose.Also of considerable interest is the representation of The Dock which is the RoyalDockyard, set apart from and to the north of the town. It is depicted as being surrounded bya wall (Figs. 12, 13). The Dock is outside of the extents of the 1545, 1552 and 1584 mapsFig. 9 Detail from the Cowdray Engraving showing the Gosport peninsula with the three forts (LR):Haselworth Castle, Lymdens Bulwark and Fort Blockhouse. The inlet on the right-hand of this detail isHaslar Creek (private collection, used by permission)Fig. 10 Detail from UK Hydrographic Office chart D623 showing Haselworth Castle on the Gosportpeninsula (UK Hydrographic Office J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123of Portsmouth and is also outside the field of view of the Cowdray Engraving. Conse-quently it is not illustrated in any of the other sources examined here. There are sixbuildings shown within the Dock. Also clearly indicated is the position of the entrance toFig. 11 Detail from UK Hydrographic Office chart D623 showing the entrance to Portsmouth Harbour andSpitbank extending from the Gosport shoreline alongside the main navigational channel into Portsmouthharbour (UK Hydrographic Office 12 Detail from UK Hydrographic Office chart D623 showing the town of Portsmouth. The town wallsand the arrow-shaped bastions are clearly shown, as is St Thomass church and two pitched roof buildingswhich represent the tidal mill next to the mill pond. Town key is marked. Note that its shape is not the sameas the representation in the 1545 map or the Cowdray Engraving as it appears to have been filled in (UKHydrographic Office Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 279123the dry dock, which was established by Henry VII in 1496. Also on the site were astorehouse, forge and smithy (Riley 2002:9). The circular feature between the Dock andthe town is what is now known as the Mast Pond and still exists within the Royal NavalBase at Portsmouth. This pond was filled with seawater and was used to season timberespecially selected for making ships masts; the process ensured that the timber wasspringy and supple thereby creating pliable but strong ships masts that could transmit theforce of the wind through the vessel without breaking.ConclusionBetween 1545 and, at the absolute latest 1620, we have a remarkable set of documents.Each individually records considerable detail about the town of Portsmouth, its situationand its defensive capability. These cover a 75-year period at most and may possiblyrepresent a more tightly defined period of just over 40 years. In order to extract the datacontained within, they need to be examined and then interpreted. When consideredtogether these documents present a rich source of information which can be used todevelop a better understanding of Tudor approaches to the defence of both Portsmouth andthe realm. The images also assist in developing an understanding of the sequence ofdevelopment within the urban landscape of Portsmouth. However, it remains difficult tomake absolute assertions about specific locations. Visual sources of data such as maps andpictures can be difficult to interpret, analyse and then present the results from that research.Research based on such data requires a multidisciplinary range of skills and knowledge tofully utilise the potential information available within the sources. Consequently, thispresent research can but merely scratch the surface of what may be understood if theresearch were to be undertaken by a team of researchers assembled with such a range ofexpertise in mind.Acknowledgments Thanks are due to Peter Barber and Andrea Clarke at the British Library and PhillipClayton-Gore and Guy Hannaford of the UK Hydrographic Office, for their considerable assistance inFig. 13 Detail from UK Hydrographic Office chart D623 showing the Royal Dockyard at Portsmouth. Notethe channel and entry into The Dock. The circular feature to the left of the Dock is what is now known asthe Mast Pond (UK Hydrographic Office J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123assembling an exhibition of historic maps of Portsmouth, which was held at the Mary Rose Museum,Portsmouth, in the summer of 2010. Also, very many thanks to all the staff at the Mary Rose Trust and inparticular, John Lippiett and Alexzandra Hildred for their continuing support and enthusiasm. KesterKeighley for his most generous provision of the high resolution scan of the Cowdray engraving. Thanks arealso due to C.J. Sansom for providing an excellent reason to extend my understanding of Tudor Portsmouthduring the writing of his historical novel Heartstone.ReferencesAckroyd P (1995) Blake. Vintage, Random HouseAyloffe Sir J (1775) An account of some ancient English historical paintings at Cowdry, in Sussex.Archaeologia 3:239272Barber, Peter (2009) Henry VIII man and Monarch, catalogue edited by Susan Doran, British library,London. 23 April6 September 2009British Library (2012) Plan of Portsmouth from 1545, available online at: Accessed 22 Nov. 2012Calendar of State Papers, Domestic 15471580, p 526Colvin, H.M. (ed.) (1982) The history of the Kings Works, volume 4: 14851660 (Part 2), Her MajestysStationery Office, pp 5124Eley Philip (1988) Portsmouth breweries 14921847, The Portsmouth papers, 51. Portsmouth City Council,PortsmouthEnglish Heritage (2012), Pembroke Bastion, Pastscape, available online at: Accessed 22 Nov. 2012Fontana D, Hildred A (2011) The theatre of the war, Geographical evidence from the Cowdray Engravingand GIS. In: Gardiner J (ed) Weapons of Warre: the armaments of the Mary Rose. The Mary RoseTrust, Portsmouth, pp 871886Harrington Peter (2007) The castles of Henry VIII. Osprey, Oxford, p 6Hodson D (1978) Maps of Portsmouth before 1801. Portsmouth Record Series, City of PortsmouthHope Sir William Henry St John (1919) Cowdray and Easebourne Priory in the County of Sussex. Countrylife, LondonKnighton C.S. and Loades D (2002) Letters from the Mary Rose, Sutton Publishing Ltd. Letter 61,pp117118Knighton C.S. and Loades, D. (eds.) (2014) More Documents for the Last Campaign of The Mary Rose,Navy Records Society, forthcomingNurse B (2007) Making history: Antiquaries in Britain, 17072007. Royal Academy of Arts, London p144Nurse B (2012) The Sherwin Brothers copy of the lost mary rose wall painting at cowdray house. Anti-quaries J 92:371384Riley R (2002) Portsmouth Ships. Tempus Publishing, Stroud, Gloucestershire, Dockyard and TownStone, Percy G (1907) Two Accounts of The French Descent on The Isle of Wight Under Claude Dan-nebault, July, 1545. Extracted from the memoirs of Martin Du Bellay, 1513-46, and from the Mss. ofSir John Oglander, 15851655, With a digest of the two accounts., The Isle of Wight County Press,Newport, Isle of WightWessex Archaeology (2010) Governors Green, Portsmouth, Hampshire, Archaeological EvaluationReport, Report reference: 71502.01, Available at Accessed 12 Nov. 2012Williams, G. H. (1979) The western defences of Portsmouth Harbour 1400-1800. The Portsmouth Papers;30, Portsmouth City Council, PortsmouthWright, H. P. (1873) The story of the Domus Dei of Portsmouth, James Parker and Co. London, pp1718Online MapsPortsmouth 1545 is available online from the British Library at: . Accessed Oct. 2013Portsmouth 1552 is available online from the British Library at: . Accessed Oct. 2013J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282 281123Nordens map of Hampshire, 1595 is available online from Old Hampshire Mapped at: Accessed Oct. 2013Detail of Portsmouth from Nordens map of Hampshire, 1595 is available at: Accessed Oct. 2013282 J Mari Arch (2013) 8:263282123Charting the Development of Portsmouth Harbour, Dockyard and Town in the Tudor PeriodAbstractIntroductionThe Cowdray engraving (Size: 222 x 69 in.)Plan of Portsmouth 1545: British Library, Cotton Augustus I.i.81 (Size: 22.8 x 30.7 in.; Scale: 1:1200)Plan of Portsmouth 1552: British Library Cotton Augustus I.ii.15 (Size: 21.5 x 29.5 in.; Scale: 1:2400)Portsmouth 1584: British Library, Cotton MS Augustus I.ii.117 (Size: 27.2 x 26 in.)Chart of Portsmouth Harbour, Between 1586 and 1620: Admiralty UK Hydrographic Office D623 (Size: 29.7 x 48.5 in.; Scale: 1:10560)ConclusionAcknowledgmentsReferences


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